environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es en-US Thu, 03 Sep 2026 03:06:17 +0400 OJS 3.3.0.3 http://blogs.law.harvard.edu/tech/rss 60 Overcoming Dependence on Social Assistance – What is the right approach for Georgia? http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/356 <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11.0pt; font-family: 'Sylfaen',serif;">This paper examines the effectiveness of welfare-to-work strategies in Georgia, focusing on the relevance of “work-first” and “human capital development” approaches in a labour market characterized by high informality. Contrary to conventional assumptions, many social assistance beneficiaries are already economically active in Georgia, predominantly in informal and low-productivity jobs. The policy challenge, therefore, is not activation per se, but facilitating transitions into stable and formal employment. Drawing on desk research this paper shows that existing incentive structures, combined with limited availability of quality jobs, constrain sustainable labour market integration. In this context, work-first policies are unlikely to produce long-term gains, as they risk reinforcing a low-skill equilibrium.</span></p> <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-size: 11.0pt; font-family: 'Sylfaen',serif;">While a human capital approach offers a more sustainable pathway, its effectiveness is constrained by weak labour demand and underdeveloped employment services. The paper argues for a hybrid model in which human capital development serves as the strategic direction, complemented by selective work-first elements. The findings highlight the importance of aligning activation policies with labour market structure in economies with high levels of informality.</span></p> Ana Diakonidze (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/356 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 From Public Servant to Entrepreneurial Physician: Neoliberal Reform and the Transformation of Medical Professionalism in Georgia http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/357 <p>This article examines how neoliberal healthcare reforms have transformed medical professionalism in Georgia by reshaping the institutional position, professional self-understanding, and everyday working conditions of physicians. The study focuses on the post-Soviet transformation of the Georgian healthcare system, where the Soviet Semashko model of centralized public provision was gradually replaced by a market-oriented system characterized by large-scale privatization, expanded private service delivery, and public financing organized mainly through the state’s purchaser role. Although the Universal Healthcare Program expanded public coverage after 2013, most healthcare institutions had already been privatized, creating a hybrid arrangement in which public funds flow largely through private providers. Drawing on eighteen semi-structured interviews with physicians and clinical managers working in private and state medical institutions in Georgia, the article explores how doctors interpret commercialization and how these institutional changes affect professional identity, career strategies, clinical decision-making, and professional autonomy. The findings show that commercialization has encouraged a shift from the model of the physician as a state-serving professional toward a more entrepreneurial form of medical professionalism. Physicians increasingly describe specialization choices, professional development, workplace mobility, reputation building, and visibility in terms connected to income, competitiveness, patient flow, and market value. Medical expertise remains central, but it is increasingly reinterpreted as a form of professional capital that must be continuously developed, strategically positioned, and made visible within a competitive healthcare market. The article also shows that commercialization affects clinical practice through financial incentives and managerial forms of control. Per-case remuneration, clinic-level revenue expectations, DRG-related cost constraints, and internal financial monitoring introduce economic considerations into the environment of clinical judgment. These mechanisms do not mechanically determine physicians’ behavior, but they narrow the practical space in which professional autonomy is exercised. At the same time, the interviews do not support a simple narrative of ethical decline. Many physicians continue to emphasize patient welfare, professional responsibility, and clinical judgment, and some describe resisting financially advantageous but clinically unnecessary interventions. The article therefore argues that commercialization does not simply eliminate medical professionalism; rather, it reconfigures it. Physicians operate within hybrid institutional environments where professional commitments coexist with economic incentives, organizational constraints, and market-oriented expectations. Differences in interpretation appear to reflect not age alone, but physicians’ different institutional experiences and working environments, including earlier state-centered healthcare arrangements and contemporary commercialized private-sector settings. The Georgian case contributes to sociological debates on neoliberalism, professional change, and post-socialist healthcare reform by showing that healthcare commercialization reshapes not only ownership, financing, and service delivery, but also the social meaning of medical work and the conditions under which professional ethics and autonomy are practiced.</p> Beka Natsvlishvili (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/357 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Political Causes of Brexit: Populist Discourse in the Context of the 2016 Referendum Campaign http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/358 <p>Brexit represents one of the most significant political developments in contemporary European politics, with far-reaching consequences for both the United Kingdom and the future of European integration. While the outcome of the 2016 referendum is often explained in terms of economic or institutional factors, a growing body of scholarship emphasizes the importance of political and discursive dynamics in shaping voter behavior. This article aims to analyze the political causes of Brexit and to assess the role of populist discourse in influencing the referendum outcome.</p> <p>The study is grounded in the theoretical framework of populism, conceptualized as a thin-centered ideology that divides society into two antagonistic groups: the “pure people” and the “corrupt elite.” Within this framework, politics is understood as the expression of the general will of the people against elite domination. Applying this perspective, the article demonstrates that the Brexit campaign extensively employed discursive strategies that portrayed both the European Union and segments of the British political establishment as detached from the will of the people. Particular attention is paid to the construction of sovereignty as a central political narrative and to the mobilizing role of immigration.</p> <p>Methodologically, the article employs qualitative discourse analysis, drawing on campaign materials, political speeches, and public messaging. The findings suggest that populist discourse functioned as a mediating mechanism that amplified existing Euroscepticism, transformed sovereignty into a central symbolic category, and framed immigration as a key mobilizing cleavage. As a result, a significant portion of the electorate made decisions not on the basis of detailed policy evaluation, but through simplified and emotionally charged narratives.</p> <p>The article concludes that Brexit cannot be fully explained by structural factors alone. Political discourse - particularly populist narratives - plays a crucial role in contemporary democratic processes and can significantly shape collective political decision-making.</p> Giorgi Badridze (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/358 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Prospects for the Transformation of the Georgian-Abkhazian Conflict http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/359 <p>The present paper aims to conduct a transformational analysis of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict using the variables of conflict transformation. The study is based on the theoretical framework of conflict transformation developed by John Paul Lederach, complemented by Johan Galtung’s concept of structural violence. The paper analyzes the structural, relational, cultural and personal dimensions of the conflict and outlines possible paths for transformation. The paper analyzes the historical aspect of Georgian-Abkhazian relations and the conflict, in which the narratives of both sides are analyzed. The task of the article is to show an in-depth bilateral view of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict in order to analyze the bond that will be the main transformative mechanism of the aforementioned confrontation. The article shows what the picture was before the conflict began. The historical aspects that were on the territory of Abkhazia are reviewed and the developments that laid the foundation for the modern state of relations between the two sides are shown. The main aspects of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict are discussed, which are the main driving force and trigger for the start of the confrontation. The aim of the work is to introduce innovation into the analysis of the Georgian-Abkhazian conflict and not to follow the traditional views that are used to this day. . The article is accompanied by the used literature, in the form of a bibliography and online resources in the form of Internet materials.</p> Guguli Magradze, Mikheil Markelia (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/359 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Research on the Maritime Labor Market in Georgia: The Current State of Higher Maritime Education in Georgia – Challenges and Opportunities http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/360 <p>The aim of this article is to examine the current state of maritime education in Georgia. The article addresses two key questions:</p> <ol> <li>What opportunities do Georgia's maritime higher education institutions have?</li> <li>What challenges do they face in providing education that meets the demands of the global maritime labor market?</li> </ol> <p>To explore the research topic in detail and depth, the study employs qualitative research methods, including desk research and in-depth (expert) interviews, with a total of 41 interviews conducted.</p> <p>The article is based on Theodore Schultz’s Human Capital Theory of Economic Growth, which states that investments in human capital—such as education, training/retraining, and healthcare—are crucial drivers of economic growth and development. Analyzing the research findings through the lens of human capital theory, it can be concluded that recent measures implemented in Georgia’s maritime sector—such as the harmonization of national legislation with international regulations, state investment in maritime education, and diversification of maritime professions—have contributed to:</p> <ul> <li>Expanded opportunities for obtaining maritime education</li> <li>Increased interest in maritime professions</li> <li>Improved access for Georgian seafarers to the global maritime employment market</li> <li>Enhanced qualifications of seafarers, making them more competitive</li> <li>Growth in the number of seafarers, leading to greater financial contributions to Georgia’s economy</li> <li>The economic benefit generated by seafarers contributes approximately $300 million annually to Georgia’s economy.</li> </ul> <p>However, despite these positive changes, challenges remain. Several barriers hinder the delivery of high-quality higher maritime education, including:</p> <ul> <li>Difficulties in accessing maritime practical training</li> <li>Limited availability of maritime education, primarily concentrated in the Adjara region</li> <li>A lack of scientific research projects in maritime-related fields</li> </ul> <p>In terms of access to education, the situation is even more challenging in Georgia’s coastal regions, such as Samegrelo and Guria, despite the establishment of the Poti Maritime Vocational School in 2021.</p> Osiko Kontselidze (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/360 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Securitization of Migration: speech act or sovereign act? Case Study of Poland in 2015-2025 http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/361 <p>This article examines the Polish migration policy of 2015-2025 accompanied by security discourse, and asks the following question: Does the Polish case of migration policy fit into the classical model of securitization advanced by the Copenhagen School authors or the Schmittian concept of sovereign authority? If the latter was the case, then it raises an important question: in light of executive decisions made by the government, why was aggressive anti-migrant discourse even necessary? Drawing on discourse analysis of high-level government officials’ statements, legal and policy documents related to the state of emergency and secondary analyses of Polish media coverage, the article argues that the Polish government did not primarily seek to securitize migration &nbsp;to persuadeits domestic audience.&nbsp;Rather, executive authorities enacted exceptional measures through sovereign power and subsequently employed security rhetoric as justificatory discourse aimed largely at external audiences, including the European Union and international human rights organizations.&nbsp;</p> <p>The research problem is derived from the theoretical assumption that security policy is largely shaped by the series of “speech acts” which constitute a so-called ‘securitizing act’ or a ‘securitizing move’ through which political actors introduce a particular issue as an existential threat and advance it to the forefront of the security agenda. Considering the urgency of the matter, restrictive or even unprecedented, measures are therefore justified to ensure survival. &nbsp;</p> <p>The theoretical framework of this study combines the securitization theory associated with the Copenhagen School and the concept of sovereign power developed by Carl Schmitt. According to securitization theory, successful securitization takes place when political actors frame a specific issue as an existential threat to the referent object and this threat narrative is accepted and supported by a relevant audience. In contrast to&nbsp; securitization theory, which requires widespread public consent and mobilization, the Schmittian concept of sovereign power underscores the decisive role of the sovereign, who does not seek large-scale public approval and possesses the authority to identify or frame security threats and their respective countermeasures.</p> <p>The study is based on a qualitative research methodology, namely discourse-analysis. The analysis examines official statements, public speeches and policy documentsissued by political leaders and state institutions to identify how discourse on migration is constructed in the context of security and how extraordinary measures are legitimized.</p> <p>The findings suggest that securitization can function not necessarily as a prerequisite for extraordinary measures, but as a post-hoc narrative strategy accompanying and/or justifying sovereign acts already taken as is evident in the case of Polish migration case. Moreover, the research showed that securitization theory or Schmittian sovereign act separately does not explain the migration policy dynamic, rather these two theories are complementary in interpreting the issue.</p> Miranda Andronikashvili (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/361 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Bigo, D. (2014). The (in)securitization practices of the three universes of EU border control: Military/Navy – border guards/police – database analysts. Security Dialogue, 45(3), 209–225. Bright, J. (2012). Securitisation, terror, and control: towards a http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/362 <p>In the 21st century, terrorism poses a critical challenge to the global security architecture. Terrorists increasingly aim to influence the global agenda by targeting various soft targets, including general education institutions. This article provides a comprehensive review of existing public guidance and protocols regarding active school assaults. Specifically, it examines and analyzes emergency directives developed by the United Kingdom and the United States, which outline individual response protocols during armed terrorist attacks within school premises. These official guidelines are widely known as “Run, Hide, Tell” and “Run, Hide, Fight.” These strategies are internationally recognized and implemented as educational and training curricula in several countries, including France, Austria, Sweden, and Norway. Furthermore, this study evaluates and synthesizes empirical research findings conducted in the United Kingdom and Denmark.</p> <p>Based on the analysis of the theoretical framework, an empirical study was designed and conducted in Georgia. A pretest-posttest design was selected as the primary research methodology, which represents one of the most robust approaches for evaluating intervention programs. The intervention was implemented in the form of educational training, utilizing a structured questionnaire as the primary research instrument. Participants were selected via a purposive sampling technique. The procedural phase of the study involved a two-wave survey administered to the respondents using the same questionnaire (before and after the training session). All procedures were carried out in strict compliance with research ethics requirements. Quantitative data processing and statistical analysis were executed using IBM SPSS Statistics (Version 23).</p> <p>The primary finding of the empirical research demonstrates that the intervention implemented within the scope of this study can be considered highly effective. The variance observed between the first and second waves is statistically significant (p &lt; .001), with the difference between the indices across waves amounting to 28.1%, representing an 80.7% relative increase from the baseline first-wave metric. This result suggests that school education is an effective strategy during a terrorist attack on a school.</p> Germane Gvaramia (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/362 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Invention of ‘Gruzia’: The Role of Culture in Russia’s Politics towards Georgia http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/363 <p>This article examines Russia’s imperial relationship with Georgia and conceptualizes “Gruziia” as a discursive formation grounded in the interrelation of knowledge and power. It explores the formation of the Russian imperial Self through the “Gruziianization” of its peripheries, accompanied by their degradation and marginalization. The article demonstrates that Russian literature and the cultural industry played an active role in shaping a colonial imaginary in which Georgia was represented as an exoticized, feminized, and historically deficient space requiring the civilizing, paternalistic, and disciplinary intervention of the Russian imperial center.</p> <p>Drawing on Edward Said’s theory of Orientalism and Michel Foucault’s genealogical methodology, the article analyzes the construction of Georgia in Russian literature and cultural production as an “exotic Other.” A genealogical perspective makes it possible to trace the trajectories through which this discourse was materialized and institutionalized, ultimately becoming a fundamental component of Russian imperial identity.</p> <p>By examining the role of the Russian cultural industry-and, most importantly, literature-the article demonstrates how the Caucasus and Georgia were transformed into an exoticized “non-space,” deprived of an autonomous history and modernity. This literary tradition, extending from Pushkin and Lermontov to the Soviet-era representation of “sunny Georgia,” functioned as an instrument of biopolitics aimed at producing “docile subjects” and portraying the imperial center as a benevolent missionary, modernizer, and savior of small nations.</p> <p>The article also traces the historical trajectory of Russian imperial consciousness from the Tsarist period through the Soviet Union to the contemporary Russian Federation, examining its relationship to discourses of the civilizing mission, the “near abroad,” and the “Russian world.” The continuity of these tropes across the Tsarist, Soviet, and post-Soviet periods highlights the resilience of the imperial imaginary despite changes in its ideological framing-from the image of the enlightened autocrat, through Orthodoxy and socialist internationalism, to the contemporary conception of the “Russian world” as a distinct civilizational sphere.</p> <p>This study seeks to contribute to filling the “blank spots” on the postcolonial map of the Caucasus. It argues that the genuine decolonization of the region requires the deconstruction of deeply embedded cultural representations that deny Georgia autonomous agency and subjectivity in the eyes of the imperial center. The article thus underscores the need for the continued decolonization of Russian cultural narratives and greater attention to subaltern voices in order to rethink relations with former imperial peripheries.</p> Irakli Gunia (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/363 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 The Role of the United States in the China-Japan Dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Dao Islands http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/365 <p>This article examines the role of the United States in the dispute between China and Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Dao Islands. The study aims to identify the factors underlying U.S. support for Japan in this territorial dispute. The analysis is based on the theory of structural realism and draws on the examination of the historical background of the dispute, the legal and political arguments advanced by the parties, as well as official U.S. documents and public statements by U.S. officials.</p> <p>The study demonstrates that U.S. support for Japan is primarily driven by its strategic interest in maintaining the balance of power in East Asia and strengthening its regional position. In addition, the geostrategic location of the islands and their potential natural resources constitute important factors influencing the policies of the parties and the regional security environment.</p> Mariam Bokhua (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/365 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 The Role of the United States in the China-Japan Dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Dao Islands http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/366 <p>The aim of the present article is to analyze the transformation of Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus, specifically regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The study examines the key factors that influenced Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus and contributed to its fundamental changes in relation to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Additionally, the research aims to identify the circumstances and factors that led to Russia’s decision to allow Azerbaijan to regain control over the Nagorno-Karabakh region through military means. The period of Azerbaijan's return of Nagorno-Karabakh by military effort is not chosen by chance and coincides with a rather difficult geopolitical situation for Russia, as Ukraine's growing desire to join NATO and the European Union is the main challenge to Russia's national security concept. Therefore, Russia's main focus is directed against the expansion of NATO to its borders, which requires the mobilization and concentration of considerable military and political resources. Based on the above the study also seeks to determine whether this foreign policy behavior constituted a forced reaction or a strategic concession. Data collection and analysis in this study employed social research qualitative approach to comprehensively assess the political and military consequences of Russia’s efforts to consolidate or weaken influence in the region. For the theoretical and conceptual analysis of Russia’s foreign policy transformation, the study applies neoclassical realism, which allows evaluation of Russia’s policy changes at three levels: systemic, domestic, and individual. Neoclassical realism provides a framework for understanding state foreign policy decisions based on both structural constraints and domestic factors, including the cognitive perceptions of the ruling elite. This approach creates a multi-level analytical framework that integrates systemic, intermediate, and individual-level variables, enabling a comprehensive analysis of Russia’s foreign policy in the South Caucasus, particularly in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. In addition, the study incorporates the Rational Actor Model, complementing the conceptual framework by systematically assessing Russia’s motivations for foreign policy choices, the prioritization of strategic interests, and the behavioral logic of decision-makers. The rational actor model is one of the most widely used models of foreign policy analysis, which tries to explain how and why states make specific foreign policy decisions. The mentioned model perceives the state as a single, rational actor that acts to protect its own national interests and evaluates all alternatives as much as possible in the decision-making process and chooses the most profitable one. The findings indicate that Russia’s foreign policy transformation regarding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was shaped by a combination of regional influence constraints, temporary strategic concessions to allow Azerbaijan military and political gains, and the prioritization of more urgent objectives (e.g., the conflict in Ukraine). In the face of limited resources, temporary concessions are a rational solution in order to mobilize more resources to achieve more important goals. These dynamics were further influenced by the cognitive perceptions and ideological orientations of Russian decision-makers regarding to the political course of Armenia.</p> Giorgi Kelaptrishvili (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/366 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Demological Development of the Ossetians in Georgia: Migration, Language and Social Processes http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/367 <p>Georgia has never been a mono-ethnic country. Accordingly, the overall picture of the country's ethnic diversity has always been highly heterogeneous. In this context, the demological dynamics and migration processes of the Ossetian population are of particular interest. It is important to provide a clearer understanding of the demological development of Ossetians in Georgia, as this enables a more comprehensive assessment of the current situation and the underlying factors shaping contemporary processes.</p> <p>The aim of this article is to present an objective picture of the demological development of Ossetians in Georgia through an analysis of birth rates, mortality, natural population growth, and migration patterns. The study also examines the extent to which the Tskhinvali conflict exhibits signs of an ethno-demographic basis and explores how historical and political processes have influenced Georgian–Ossetian relations.</p> <p>The study is based on a qualitative research methodology, specifically the analysis of narrative data obtained through in-depth interviews. The first part of the article presents the historical realities of Ossetian migration to Georgia, the dynamics of interethnic relations, the origins of the confrontation between Georgians and Ossetians, and the way these relations have evolved over time. It also provides the political context together with chronological and demological data.</p> <p>One of the key components of the research is a sociological survey aimed at assessing the language competencies of the Ossetian population living both in the territories controlled by the Government of Georgia and in the territories controlled by Russia. Conducted through oral interviews in Georgian and Ossetian villages, the survey demonstrates how historical experience has influenced the emergence of language barriers between ethnic groups. Furthermore, it illustrates how these language barriers affect the integration of Georgian and Ossetian communities, as well as their broader social, cultural, and economic relations.</p> <p>The novelty of the research lies in its assessment of the language competencies of Ossetians living in both Georgian-controlled and Russian-controlled territories. The study provides an overview of the transformations experienced by both the Ossetian and Georgian languages within the context of the linguistic practices and opportunities of the Ossetian population.</p> <p>The present research offers a renewed assessment of the overall picture of the demological development of Ossetians in Georgia. It brings together previously fragmented information into a comprehensive analysis. The study is based not only on historical context and statistical data but also on the narratives and empirical experiences of real people. It reassesses language competencies from a new perspective and demonstrates how historical developments have contributed to the formation of language barriers between ethnic groups.</p> Mariam Mamagulashvili (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/367 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400 Georgia’s National Interests in the Black Sea: Strategic Challenges and Emerging Opportunities http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/368 <p>The Black Sea has evolved from a peripheral maritime basin into one of the most consequential geopolitical arenas of the twenty-first century. It is no longer defined primarily by so-called “frozen conflicts,” but by active military confrontation, strategic coercion, energy insecurity, contested connectivity and the growing vulnerability of critical maritime infrastructure. Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has transformed the maritime domain into an operationally contested space where commercial navigation, offshore infrastructure, energy transit and military risk increasingly overlap.</p> <p>This paper examines Georgia’s national maritime interests in the Black Sea by grouping them into three interrelated categories: core security and sovereignty interests; economic connectivity and infrastructure interests; and institutional/foreign-policy interests linked to Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic orientation. Using a qualitative analytical approach, the study draws on Georgian strategic documents, Euro-Atlantic policy frameworks, academic literature, policy reports and selected analytical and investigative sources. Realism is applied as a broad geopolitical and security lens to interpret power competition, Russian coercive behaviour, security dilemmas and Georgia’s search for external security partnerships.</p> <p>For Georgia, the Black Sea represents both strategic opportunity and structural vulnerability. Initiatives such as the Anaklia deep-sea port infrastructure project and the planned Black Sea submarine electricity cable strengthen Georgia’s role as a transit, logistics and energy bridge between Central Asia, the South Caucasus and Europe. Yet this connectivity cannot be separated from the region’s deteriorating security environment. Russia’s adaptive naval posture, including the possible use of Ochamchire port in occupied Abkhazia as a limited logistical or support node, demonstrates how even modest maritime infrastructure may carry significant political, legal and strategic implications.</p> <p>The study argues that Georgia’s maritime interests require a realistic policy response adapted to the resources and constraints of a small state. This includes the development of a national maritime security strategy, stronger interagency coordination, improved port governance and sanctions-compliance oversight, enhanced maritime domain awareness, strengthened Coast Guard capability, protection of critical maritime infrastructure and deeper practical cooperation with Allied and Black Sea partners.</p> <p>Ultimately, Georgia’s maritime future will depend on its ability to connect economic ambition with credible security resilience in an increasingly contested Black Sea environment.</p> Papuna Davitaia (Author) Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/368 Thu, 03 Sep 2026 00:00:00 +0400