environment and society

Discussion of Foreign Policy Orientation in the Pre-Independence Period of Georgia (Late 1917 – Early 1918)

Malkhaz Matsaberidze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Relevance and Novelty of the Topic: Defining foreign orientation is a matter of existential importance for a small country. The chronological framework of this research is intentionally selected: it was during this period that the collapse of the Russian Empire occurred, necessitating a realization of the new geopolitical reality. The study of the ongoing discussions on this topic has not previously been the subject of dedicated scientific research. Its analysis is crucial because, at a turning point for the country, the criteria upon which Georgia had historically defined - and at that moment needed to make - its foreign policy choice became the subject of debate. This theme - how Georgian political thought was formed during a pivotal and chaotic period - is fundamental to understanding our statehood.

Research Methods and Methodology: The paper employs qualitative research methods, specifically content and discourse analysis of periodicals. The research is based on a historical-comparative approach, allowing for the juxtaposition of narratives from various political parties. The hermeneutic method is used in processing sources to examine the issue within the context of the geopolitical crisis of the time. A methodological distinction is key: the focus is not on daily political chronicles (articles reflecting the "current moment"), but on special publications where the issue of orientation is conceptualized as an independent theoretical problem and a strategic choice. This allows for the identification of the fundamental visions of the Georgian elite and the criteria upon which they based the country’s long-term strategy.

Discussion of the Research Topic: The discussion of this period represents a kind of "intellectual laboratory." The country did not yet face the acute existential choice of May 1918, which allowed thinkers of the time to theoretically formulate principles and criteria in a relatively "calm" environment. The activation of the foreign orientation issue was driven by three factors: a) Russia's military defeat by Germany in World War I; b) Revolutionary chaos and civil war in Russia; c) Accusations by certain forces that Georgia was "betraying" its Russian orientation.

Main Findings of the Research:

a) Ideological Polarization: A clear difference emerged between the ruling party (Social-Democrats) and the opposition forces (National-Democrats, Socialist-Federalists). This discussion was an ideological struggle between "national statehood" and "class-revolutionary unity" (N. Zhordania). While for the Social-Democrats, the "Russian orientation" was perceived as unwavering and identical to a Western choice, the opposition spectrum questioned this view.
b) Civilizational Decolonization: In 1917, the word "orientation" was often used not only to denote a foreign policy vector but also for civilizational self-identification. This discussion was not just about "who to be friends with," but also about defining "who we are." Tite Tabidze's argumentation (newspaper Sakhalkho Sakme) asserted that what entered Georgia from Russia was not European culture, but its surrogate. This was a call for Georgia to establish direct links with Europe without Russian mediation.
c) Geopolitical Pragmatism: Although the Social-Democrats considered talk of Georgia's orientation groundless (the newspaper Ertoba even published an ironic article on the matter), the topic was vital for other political parties, as evidenced by publications in the newspapers Sakartvelo (National-Democrats) and Sakhalkho Sakme (Socialist-Federalists). Niko Nikoladze (Sakartvelo) viewed foreign policy as a tool for modernization, where the choice is determined not by subjective preference but by geographical location and the international balance of power. He argued that Georgia always chose the orientation from which "light and movement" originated. By naming this criterion, Niko Nikoladze supported a European orientation.

Conclusion: The research shows that the discussions at the end of 1917 prepared the ground for the de-ideologization of foreign policy, which facilitated the political elite's ability to make pragmatic decisions during the crisis of 1918. Despite theoretical debates and initial attempts to remain within the Russian orbit, the sharp deterioration of the international situation (specifically the Ottoman threat) placed pragmatic survival on the agenda. This forced Georgia to move from theoretical discussion to real action and turn to Germany for assistance.

The research was carried out within the framework of the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia Grant Project “The Beginning of the Contemporary Georgian Parliamentarianism: The National Council of Georgia - The Parliament of Georgia”. Grant Code: FR-23-2950

The Impact of Digital Communication on the Social Integration of the Ethnic Azerbaijani Community in Georgia

Natalia Jalagonia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The research aims to analyze the role of digital media in the integration process of ethnic and religious minorities living in Georgia. The object of the study is the ethnically Azerbaijani population and, among religious minorities, the Muslim community. In the context of modern technological development, digital media has become a significant social instrument that influences the formation of public opinion, the construction of identities, and relationships between different groups. This issue is particularly important in multicultural and multiethnic Georgia, where social integration represents one of the key prerequisites for democratic development.

The main objective of the research is to examine the impact of digital media on the integration process of ethnic and religious groups in Georgia. Within this aim, particular attention is paid to both factors that promote integration and those that contribute to polarization and segregation. The study also seeks to identify international practices that effectively use digital media to strengthen social integration.

The research tasks include several main directions: analyzing the representation of ethnic and religious groups in digital media; assessing the influence of digital platforms on public attitudes and perceptions; identifying the positive and negative impacts of digital media; and determining the models that either facilitate integration or, conversely, deepen social divisions.

The theoretical significance of the research lies in expanding existing knowledge in the fields of media studies and sociology, particularly at the intersection of digital media and social integration. The project will rely on contemporary theoretical frameworks that view digital media as a tool of both inclusion and exclusion. Although existing studies mainly focus on traditional media, the growing influence of digital media requires in-depth analysis, especially in a specific context such as Georgia.

From a practical perspective, the findings of the research will be important for policymakers, media representatives, and civil society actors. The conclusions will contribute to the development of strategies that strengthen social cohesion and reduce ethnic and religious tensions. The study will also identify which platforms and forms of communication have the greatest influence on public opinion and how they can be used to create a more inclusive environment.

Methodologically, the research will be based on a triangulation approach. Qualitative research will include in-depth interviews with representatives of ethnic and religious communities, as well as experts. Quantitative research (in this case, an online survey) will analyze the platforms used by digital media users and their influence on attitudes and behavior. In addition, a content analysis of digital media will be conducted, particularly focusing on social media platforms such as Facebook and TikTok, in order to identify dominant narratives and trends. Comparative analysis will ensure a parallel examination of Georgia’s experience with that of other multiethnic and multireligious countries. The study will also include a review and analysis of secondary literature and existing relevant research.

The expected results include a comprehensive assessment of the impact of digital media on ethnic and religious integration, the identification of factors that promote or hinder integration, and the development of recommendations aimed at strengthening social cohesion. Ultimately, the research will contribute both to the advancement of academic knowledge and to the improvement of practical policy in the context of Georgia.

Digital Sovereignty in Times of Crisis: The Impact of Cyberattacks on the Functioning of State Institutions (Comparative Analysis of South Caucasus States)

Nino Bigvava (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In the era of modern geopolitical crises, the concept of state sovereignty has transcended physical borders and moved into the digital dimension. The South Caucasus, with its ethnopolitical conflicts and strategic location, represents a unique environment for investigating how cyberattacks are used to destabilize state institutions and reorganize the political order. This study focuses on the concept of “digital sovereignty” and analyzes the resilience of state institutions in the region against growing cyber threats.

The main objective of this research is to establish the relationship between the intensity of cyberattacks during times of crisis and the quality of functioning of state services. The study addresses three primary questions:

How do cyberattacks transform the strategies of state institutions in the South Caucasus?
What is the impact of digital infrastructure vulnerabilities on public trust in state institutions?
What different models of protecting digital sovereignty exist in Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan?

The study is grounded in the theories of neorealism and the "cybersecurity dilemma," viewing digital space as an anarchic environment where states strive for survival and influence. It introduces the cybersecurity dilemma as a phenomenon where a state’s efforts to strengthen its digital defenses are perceived by neighbors as potential threats, leading to regional digital armament. Digital sovereignty is redefined here not merely as data localization, but as a state’s ability to maintain control over critical information flows during a crisis. For small states like those in the Caucasus, digital sovereignty is argued to be a prerequisite for national survival.

Methodologically, the study employs a qualitative comparative case study based on the “Most Similar Systems Design” (MSSD) model. While all three countries share a post-Soviet legacy and face active or frozen conflicts, their approaches to digital security differ radically. Data sources include content analysis of national security strategies, event analysis of specific incidents (2008, 2019, 2020), and index comparisons using ITU Global Cybersecurity Index data from 2015–2025.

Georgia – Reactive Modernization: As the first country to experience coordinated cyber and physical attacks (2008), Georgia provides a blueprint for institutional transformation. The creation of the Data Exchange Agency (DEA) and the Cybersecurity Bureau highlights a choice of Western integration, where digital sovereignty is linked to NATO and EU standards.
Azerbaijan – Centralized Control: During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Azerbaijan demonstrated a high degree of state control over information flows. The study analyzes how Baku utilized cyber capabilities for both defense and strategic communication, effectively insulating critical infrastructure from external interference.
Armenia – Decentralized Resilience: Armenia presents an interesting contrast—possessing a strong private technology sector but vulnerable state institutions. The study examines the paralysis of government websites during the 2020 war and its subsequent impact on wartime decision-making.

The paper argues that cyberattacks act as psychological weapons aimed at the “social contract” between the state and its citizens. Digital sovereignty is directly proportional to institutional resilience; if state services are disrupted, the state loses legitimacy. This is examined through:

Institutional Functioning: Disruptions to public registries or banking systems cause “bureaucratic shock,” preventing the state from performing its core function: service delivery.
The Crisis of Trust: In a region where institutional trust is fragile, successful cyberattacks are perceived as signs of state weakness, leading to political destabilization.
Reorganization: Crisis acts as a catalyst; countries experiencing severe attacks are more likely to pursue radical legislative and institutional reforms, as seen in the Georgian case.

The concluding section emphasizes that restoring peace and order in the South Caucasus is unthinkable without cyber diplomacy. A "reorganization of order" requires states to recognize digital space as an integral part of sovereignty, necessitating technological as well as military readiness. The research offers a new vision of how small states can maintain political sovereignty in the face of global technological disruption. Ultimately, the region's new security architecture will depend on the extent to which these three countries can establish independent and secure digital ecosystems.

Media Narratives Surrounding Educational Reform: A Study of Analytical and Discussion-Oriented Programs on TV Imedi and Rustavi 2

Natia Svanidze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

A large-scale and fundamental transformation is currently underway in Georgia’s education system. In October 2025, the government presented the document titled “National Concept of Education Reform,” which sparked significant public debate. The education system is one of the main pillars of a country’s development, directly influencing its social, economic, and democratic progress. Therefore, planned changes in this sector require broad public engagement and should be based on comprehensive research involving not only specialists and experts in the field, but also students, pupils, teachers, parents, and other interested stakeholders.

In this process, the role of the media is of particular importance, as it serves as the primary platform where issues related to education reform become subjects of public discussion. The media’s selection of topics, framing of issues, tone of debate, and choice of participants significantly influence how society perceives ongoing changes and how public attitudes toward education policy are formed. Consequently, analyzing media coverage of education reform is important not only from an informational perspective but also for assessing democratic processes.

The aim of this study is to examine analytical and discussion-based television programs broadcast by Rustavi 2 and TV Imedi. The research focuses, on the one hand, on Rustavi 2’s program “Debates” hosted by Rezi Chichinadze and, on the other hand, on TV Imedi’s socio-political program “Open Air: Debates with Magda Anikashvili” in which education reform is presented as a central and recurring topic.

The study covers the period from October 16, 2025—the date of the official presentation of the National Concept of Education Reform—to April 6, 2026, coinciding with the beginning of registration for the Unified National Examinations and a growing public interest in education policy. This time frame enables an analysis of the media’s response at different stages of the reform’s development.

The objective of the research is to determine how comprehensively and through what types of frames these media outlets covered ongoing changes in the education system, which arguments and evaluations dominated the broadcasts, and in what context television discussions on this issue took place. The study analyzes the narratives and thematic emphases through which education reform is presented, the overall tone of the discussions, and the extent to which space is provided for the expression of diverse viewpoints.

The research is based on a qualitative methodology and employs the case study method. The selected programs are examined as specific cases whose in-depth analysis makes it possible to identify broader trends in the analytical and editorial policies of Georgian television media. The study utilizes qualitative content analysis to examine the substance of arguments and evaluations expressed on air, assess the positions of invited guests, and determine the role of program hosts in shaping the direction of discussion.

Particular attention is paid to periods when the education reform generated strong public reactions, including debates surrounding university mergers and the centralization of higher education. This context is important for understanding how the media responded to peaks in public interest and to what extent it ensured comprehensive, balanced, and inclusive public discussion.

The University in the Age of Artificial Intelligence: Interdisciplinary Education, Knowledge and Responsibility

Tamar Vepkhvadze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The rapid advancement of artificial intelligence has become one of the most consequential institutional challenges of the twenty-first century. The university, as a historical institution of knowledge production and transmission, stands before a profound transformation that exceeds the ordinary logic of technological adaptation. The integration of AI into educational space undermines the legitimacy of traditional forms of knowledge, generating new epistemological questions: What is knowledge, if its generation is possible without human cognition? Who is the author, if a text emerges from the co-creation of a human and an algorithm? Where does institutional responsibility end, when an institution incorporates these tools into the learning process — with or without explicit permission?

This paper examines these questions through the frameworks of critical theory and the sociology of education. The theoretical scaffolding is built around a revisitation of three foundational concepts: the status of knowledge, authorship, and institutional responsibility. The interrelation of these concepts is being recast in educational research — from Foucault’s power-knowledge nexus and Barthes’s “death of the author” to Biesta’s rethinking of the “leaderful” function of education. In the context of AI, this theoretical debate gains new urgency: the algorithm generates text but bears no responsibility; the student signs the work but authorship is in question; the university sets policy but frequently lags behind technological reality.

These questions are particularly consequential in the context of interdisciplinary university education. It is precisely interdisciplinarity — the crossing of boundaries between fields of knowledge, methodological hybridization, and the encounter of distinct epistemic cultures — that is most profoundly altered by AI. Where a disciplinary framework still maintains certain reference points for assessing authorship and legitimate knowledge, interdisciplinary space loses these orientations far more rapidly. AI is most effective precisely where knowledge does not belong to a single logic — and this is exactly the space where creative, critical, and applied forms of thinking coexist. The interdisciplinary university, in this sense, is not only the site of greatest disruption but also the most productive laboratory for thinking through what knowledge and responsibility mean in the age of intelligent machines.

Accordingly, the aim of this research is: to analyze the impact of artificial intelligence on the function and legitimation of the university as an institution; to develop a theoretical framework enabling educational policymakers to assess the ethical and social implications of AI integration; and to outline recommendations for the Georgian context — specifically in the field of interdisciplinary university education.

The main research objectives are: to identify the epistemological shifts provoked by artificial intelligence; to critically revisit the concepts of authorship and academic integrity in the context of AI; to develop new models of academic integrity and institutional policy.

The empirical basis of the research draws on a mixed-methods design encompassing: desk research — analysis of international scholarly literature, European Union education policy documents, and Bologna Process framework regulations; an online structured survey conducted among academic staff and students across seven Georgian higher education institutions of varying profiles; and 8–10 semi-structured interviews with experts, administrators, and educators. The diversity of institutions — spanning humanities, social sciences, natural sciences, and the arts — enables a systemic analysis of the interdisciplinary context and facilitates cross-field comparison, making it possible to map both the shared logic and the specific variations of AI’s impact across different knowledge domains.

This paper enters into critical dialogue with both European and local educational discourse, and takes into account the specificities of the Georgian educational space within the context of European integration. Its ambition is neither technological pessimism nor optimism, but analytical precision: AI is part of our world — but in the context of the interdisciplinary university, this challenge is particularly acute, since it is precisely in this space that the most intensive transformation of knowledge is taking place. How the university comes to understand and govern this space will determine whether the institution preserves the ethical commitments that justify its existence.

Media and Political Transformation: The Newspaper “Free Georgia” in 1990 – 1991

Mari Tsereteli (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The transformation of the political system carried out in 1990–1991 was sharply reflected in the socio-political newspaper “Free Georgia”, published by the political association “Round Table – Free Georgia”. The first issue of the newspaper was printed on October 23, 1990. This period represents a turning point in the socio-political life of Georgia. After seventy years of communist rule, the reform policies introduced by the Soviet authorities, known as perestroika, significantly strengthened the national liberation movement in Georgia. This process laid the foundation for fundamental political changes, the dismantling of Soviet governance, and the adoption of an independent, democratic, and pro-Western development path.

For the first time in Soviet-era Georgia, multi-party elections were held on October 28, 1990, representing a major milestone in democratization. The anti-communist coalition "Round Table – Free Georgia," which united national political forces, won the elections. Its leader, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, was later elected as Georgia’s first president on May 26, 1991.

,, Free Georgia“ was initially established as an electoral platform and later developed into a socio-political newspaper reflecting the coalition’s ideological and programmatic positions. Operating from 1990 to 1996, it systematically covered the socio-political developments of the period. Despite political crises, the newspaper remained loyal to its initial course and consistently upheld its editorial policy. Published weekly in an eight-page format, it produced a total of 135 issues. Initially described as “socio-political” publication, it later emphasized its affiliation with the “Round Table,” thereby clearly highlighting its political orientation.

The editorial board included the coalition’s leader, Zviad Gamsakhurdia, along with other representatives: Mukhran Machavariani, Nodar Tsuleiskiri, Guram Petriashvili, Temur Koridze, and Tedo Paatashvili. Over time, the editors included Mamuka Pachuvashvili (from 1990), Marika Abaishvili (from 1991), and Tamar Ebralidze (from 1992), reflecting the organizational structure and evolving dynamics of the publication.

The study focuses on the 1990 - 1991 issues, when Georgia transitioned from the Soviet communist regime to an independent, democratic, and pro-Western political model. Key events included the 1990 multi-party elections, the independence referendum on March 31, 1991, the adoption of the Act of Independence on April 9, 1991, and the first presidential election on May 26, 1991. These developments were accompanied by escalating political crises, culminating in the military coup of December 22, which violently displaced the national government.

Operating under independent journalism principles, the newspaper actively reported on socio-political developments and served as the ideological platform of the most influential political force of the period. It maintained a clear anti-communist stance, supported Georgian independence, and emphasized national identity, historical memory, and cultural values.

During the pre-election period, the newspaper consistently covered electoral issues and Supreme Soviet candidates. As events unfolded, its coverage expanded to include politics, economy, agriculture, education, culture, and the arts, framing these topics within the broader context of political transformation. It supported the anti-communist Velvet Revolutions in Eastern Europe and consistently reported on significant international events related to Georgia’s transition.

The study examines how early 1990s socio-political transformations were reflected in,, Free Georgia“, which thematic and discursive frameworks dominated the publication, and how political reality was constructed. Despite the importance of the topic, it has not previously been the subject of focused scholarly study.

The research draws on archival materials, qualitative content analysis, and discourse analysis. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical framework, enabling the identification of media practices in the construction of reality, as well as the mechanisms of narrative and ideological positioning.

The Findings indicate that the newspaper was dominated by a clear anti-communist and national liberation discourse, portraying political processes as necessary stages in historical transformation and the restoration of state independence. Key frames included independence, national identity, democratic transformation, and threat (toward the Soviet system and opposition forces). The analysis suggests that,, Free Georgia“ not only reflected events but also played a significant role in interpreting them, using diverse journalistic approaches, genres, and formats to shape public opinion.

,, Free Georgia“ actively participated in the transformation of the political system and the attainment of national independence, highlighting the media’s influence on Georgia’s democratic development.

Political Satire in a Soviet Film: ,, An Unbeliavable Story"

Giorgi Melikidze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The use of satire in art is especially advantageous under strict censorship conditions. In the presented study, we examined political satire in a Soviet film. Within the scope of the research, we analyzed the Soviet Georgian film “Blue Mountains, or An Unbelievable Story.” The aim of the paper is to explore satirical humor as an instrument of political discourse in a feature film. The film’s dialogues reflect ideas conveyed through subtexts that go beyond everyday life. The study shows that in this film, humor is not just humor. It employs satire to expose the flaws of the existing governing system.

The Soviet government accurately assessed the importance of cinema as a tool for managing public opinion. In 1921, a film department was established within the People's Commissariat of Education. In the 1920s, Georgian cinema was characterized by relatively greater independence, which cannot be said of the ideologically driven period of the 1930s. Films produced during this time were marked by Soviet propaganda content. In the 1940s, during World War II, Georgian cinema was disrupted, but filming actively resumed in the 1950s. In 1968, the Georgian Film Studio was founded. The 1960s and 1970s are considered a decisive period for Georgian Soviet cinema. During this time, an allegorical form of directing was established in Georgian cinema, marking a qualitatively new stage.

Satire in cinema reflects reality, but it does so in a sarcastic and metaphorical form. In film, satire is even more effective, which can be attributed to its visual impact. A director can create a successful satirical film by using an appropriate script, cast, shots, and music. Eldar Shengelaia's famous film "Blue Mountains, or an Unbelievable Story" was released in 1984. The film satirically portrays the Soviet life of that era and predicts its collapse. The film allegorically uses the landscape of "Greenland," which in reality represents the Soviet Union. The film's script was written based on a story by Rezo Cheishvili and was deliberately filled with details that served to highlight the absurdity of the Soviet Union's existence.

Satirical humor is considered a particularly effective tool for assessing reality because it is criticism through laughter. In academic circles, satire is regarded not only as humor but also as an effective instrument of criticism (Day 2011). Young describes the critical yet academic language of satire as a desirable tool for exposing political failure and indicating the need for change (Young, 2019). Analysis conveyed through satire is a much lighter form of political criticism, which defines its advantage (Reilly, 2012). At the same time, it should be noted that the use of satirical humor in cinema requires greater skill. Satire takes on a completely different meaning under political censorship and requires separate study. In this regard, Horton’s work (Horton, 1993) is interesting because it describes and analyzes the role of satire in Soviet cinema. The main drawback of the study is its descriptive nature and the fact that the cause-and-effect relationship of the facts is less explained. Literature of this kind is particularly scarce in political science, although it is worth mentioning Cuck’s work (Cuck, 1994), which explores the role of satire in Soviet cinema.

Our research is based on Goffman’s (1974) frame theory, according to which social life and consciousness operate within a kind of “frame.” In such cases, the “frame” is of principal importance because it determines what society should think about. According to Goffman’s theory, the media is considered the so-called “gatekeeper” that creates the “frame.” In our study, we examined the director and the film he created through this prism. At the beginning of the research, we posed the following research question: What is the role of cinema as a tool of political satire under conditions of censorship in the process of exposing the flaws of governance? Our research hypothesis is as follows: Under conditions of censorship, cinema as a tool of political satire is an effective means of exposing the flaws of governance. Our goal was to determine the significance of cinema as political satire under conditions of censorship. To achieve this goal, we set the following tasks: we selected an appropriate film, analyzed it both thematically and substantively, and investigated the nature and effectiveness of the political satire presented in it. During the research process, we used qualitative research methods, specifically qualitative content analysis and discourse analysis. Within the framework of content analysis, the film’s dialogues were thematically divided using pre-defined thematic codes. The main themes were the political system of the Soviet Union, everyday absurdity, and satirical humor. In the process of critical discourse analysis, we examined how language and discourse create social power and political criticism. First, we identified the main themes discussed in the film, such as the absurdity of the Soviet system, and determined how the director used humor and satire to present this theme. Then, we conducted an analysis of discourse construction to study how humor techniques are used to convey this issue. The final stage of critical discourse analysis was contextual analysis, where we discussed the political environment of Soviet Georgia, which allows us to analyze the meanings and role of satirical criticism.

Discussion of changes to the education system in analytical programs of the Georgian Public Broadcaster

Tinatini Matcharashvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

A fundamental change in the education system is underway in Georgia. The current government presented the document "National Concept of Education Reform" in October 2025.

The education system is the foundation of a state's development, which determines the future of the country, therefore, changes to be implemented in this system should be based on research, which should be carried out with the involvement of specialists, experts in the field, as well as students and pupils, lecturers and teachers, parents, and interested citizens. The media, especially the Public Broadcaster, should ensure that the general public is informed, because the prerequisite for the proper functioning of any system in the state is an informed public. According to the document on program priorities of the LEPL "Public Broadcaster" for 2022-2025, the Public Broadcaster must ensure "timely and comprehensive information of the audience about important events taking place in Georgia, its regions and the world" and "reflect the pluralism of opinions existing in society." These obligations must be fulfilled even more strictly at a time when the state is undergoing fundamental changes in the education system.

The goal of our research is to study the analytical programs of the Georgian Public Broadcaster: "Topic of the Day" and "Discussion on a Current Topic". The study covers the period from October 16, 2025 (date of presentation of the "Education Reform") to April 6, 2026, because it was on this day that registration for the Unified National Exams began. It is interesting to see to what extent the Public Broadcaster was able to comprehensively inform the public about the ongoing changes in the education system.

The research is based on qualitative methodology and uses the case study method. Thus, the two analytical programs mentioned above are considered as cases, the detailed analysis of which will allow us to study broader trends in the analytical policy of the Public Broadcaster. Qualitative content analysis was used within the framework of the research, which in this case does not imply a quantitative count of the text, but rather its goal is to analyze content, specifically what arguments and assessments are presented in the programs, how the discussion framework is formed, and what main narratives are highlighted.

The following were defined as units of analysis:

Questions and texts of the hosts;
Positions and arguments of the guests;
Recurring issues.

The analysis was carried out using the principle of purposeful selection and included only those programs and episodes of programs where fundamental changes in the education system were discussed. Coding was carried out using the inductive principle. Issues and narratives were identified during the monitoring process of the research object itself. Special attention was paid to the development of dialogue between the hosts and guests of the programs. The statuses of the guests and the role of the hosts in strengthening specific interpretations were assessed.

According to the description, “Topic of the Day” airs on Georgian Channel One every Wednesday at 22:00, immediately after the main broadcast of “Moambe”. Host Tamta Sanikidze discusses the topic of the day with guests. The viewer will have the opportunity to receive additional and comprehensive information about the main topic of the day; learn more about important events; hear the arguments and assessments of the parties. The goal of the program is to provide the viewer with answers to all important questions in society, while “Discussion on a Current Topic” airs every Tuesday at 22:00; host – Maka Tsintsadze; Join the discussion, where the truth is born, where public opinion is formed and dialogue begins; different parties listen to each other, argue and together seek a solution. The meeting place – the Discussion and Dialogue Studio.

The study period includes 15 programs of "Topic of the Day", It is noteworthy that in January and February, only one program was broadcast, this was one of the acute episodes in the stage of implementing changes in the education system, because on January 29, the Minister of Education, Science and Youth of Georgia Givi Mikanadze announced that a decision had been made to merge Tbilisi State University and the Georgian Technical University, which led to resistance at both universities, which ended with a briefing by the Prime Minister on February 9, where he stated that the two state universities, Ivane Javakhishvili State University and the Technical University, would no longer merge. At such an important stage, when the public needs multifaceted information, the program “Discussion on a Current Topic” was not broadcast at all, despite the fact that out of 29 programs during the study period, 3 programs were broadcast in January, and only one in February.

As part of the research, we selected only 2 interviews out of 29 programs of the program "Discussion on a Current Topic" for analysis, because only these 2 programs discussed the announced fundamental changes in the education system. It is noteworthy that the guest of both programs was Givi Mikanadze, the Minister of Education, Science and Youth of Georgia. As for the program "Topic of the Day", none of the 15 programs discussed the fundamental changes in the education system.

The analysis of the interviews selected within the framework of the study revealed that the host's questions often contain pre-defined assessments, hypotheses or generalizations, which create a framework for interpreting the guest's answers. In addition, the monitoring revealed that both analytical television programs of the Georgian Public Broadcaster fail to ensure the fulfillment of the conditions set by the "Document of Program Priorities", namely, on the one hand, the presentation of multilateral views, and on the other hand, in-depth informing of the public about the fundamental changes taking place in the country.

The factor of artificial intelligence and cybersecurity in modern military conflicts

Alika Guchua, Vakhtang Maisaia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Against the backdrop of geopolitical processes taking place in the world, when the nature of wars and conflicts is rapidly changing, the dimension of threats is increasing, all this is further complicated by the threats and challenges arising from cyberspace. Cybersecurity has become an integral part of the international security system, as it includes all areas of the state's national security. In modern times, artificial intelligence plays an important role in various fields, which can be used both positively and negatively. Especially in the process of conducting information warfare. State and non-state actors actively use artificial intelligence to pursue their interests, however, as for the realization of their interests, this depends on technological, financial and human resources. An analysis of conflicts in the 21st century shows that cybersecurity and information warfare are an integral part of all wars and conflicts. This is clearly demonstrated by military conflicts and processes unfolding in various regions of the world in the modern era. The growing potential of artificial intelligence, not only in the military sphere, is spreading to all other areas, giving it a very wide range of activities in cyberspace. This, accordingly, directly impacts the cybersecurity and defense capability of states, non-state actors, corporations, and individuals. Artificial intelligence technologies are actively being implemented in the acquisition, processing, and analysis of intelligence information, and are also used in the management of logistics and autonomous systems. Artificial intelligence has long been a means of processing enormous volumes of data in real time. It is being implemented in drone control, which has already been actively tested in several wars, such as Nagorno-Karabakh and the Russia-Ukraine War. Events in the Middle East and the processes in Ukraine have also directly demonstrated the enormous capabilities and potential of artificial intelligence in the use of autonomous weapons and drones. Processing vast amounts of analytical information using artificial intelligence allows states to determine the right strategies and tactics in the event of a conflict. When discussing cybersecurity, it should be noted that all states require resilient and secure systems. In modern conflicts, cybersecurity is not passive, but encompasses a continuous spectrum of various operations. For states, cybersecurity focuses on both defensive and offensive capabilities, which can include attacks on critical infrastructure or other important political, civilian, and military targets, as well as the proprietary and personal information of high-ranking officials. Before a conflict or large-scale war, states study the enemy state's vulnerabilities in cyberspace, as well as its critical infrastructure. Protecting critical infrastructure is a particularly problematic issue when adversaries use artificial intelligence, as it provides them with significant potential and capabilities for direct cyberattacks. This significantly weakens the security of critical infrastructure, although it should be noted that states with significant resources to exploit the potential of artificial intelligence also use this system for security purposes. At the same time, in the context of cybersecurity and artificial intelligence, information warfare, which is a concomitant process of all military conflicts or wars, is an important area. Before a military conflict or war, there is always covert and overt information warfare between the opposing sides, during which propaganda and disinformation are actively used to gain a psychological advantage over the enemy and demoralize the population.

The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the role of artificial intelligence in military conflicts. As well as the factor of cybersecurity, which plays an important role in the conduct of modern wars. The paper discusses the importance of cybersecurity in the Russian-Ukrainian war and the growing potential of artificial intelligence in military conflicts. The paper focuses on information warfare and asymmetric threats, which represent a significant challenge to the national security of states. The study utilized historical-descriptive, political, content, comparative, and SWOT analyses. The theoretical framework draws on realist theory, balance of power, securitization theory, and constructivist theory to analyze the research question. In conclusion, it should be noted that artificial intelligence is increasingly playing a significant role in modern military conflicts, and without it, future wars will be impossible, as it provides warring parties with greater capabilities and combat potential. Therefore, the role of cybersecurity for states is crucial, given the new digital reality.

Democracy And Populism

Gia Zhorzholiani, Tornike Chivadze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The present work examines the phenomenon of populism and its multifaceted relationship with democracy. This subject remains insufficiently analyzed within contemporary Georgian academic discourse; populism is typically treated through a superficial lens, predominantly perceived as a manipulative and cynical style of political activity. Our objective is to provide a profound conceptualization of populism and to delineate its position and significance within the modern political landscape.

Numerous definitions of populism exist. For the purposes of this study, and considering the characteristics shared by a scholarly consensus, we define populism as a form of "reactive ideology," a worldview, and a discursive practice. It encompasses both a normative/value-oriented component (governance in accordance with the "will of the people") and a distinct style of political action (the opposition of the marginalized and ignored "people" against a privileged "elite").

In analyzing populism, it is expedient to distinguish between two primary forms: "populism from above" and "populism from below."

"Populism from above" is understood as a manipulative worldview and discourse imposed by authoritarian leaders, utilized as a tool to delegitimize and combat political opponents.

"Populism from below" refers to those grassroots sentiments that foster reactive, negative attitudes toward the established reality. This is not merely the product of manipulation; rather, it is rooted in acute socio-economic hardship, cultural alienation, and the systemic marginalization of the masses within the globalist and neoliberal order. This produces a narrative that the ruling elite disregards the "people," leading the elite to be perceived as an existential enemy of the "pure people" (in the academic sense).

The discontent that catalyzes populism is fundamentally grounded in a perceived sense of injustice. Consequently, the struggle is directed toward the rectification of injustice and the establishment of fairness. Therefore, populism consistently transcends narrow ideological frameworks and acquires a normative dimension rooted in a specific conception of justice. It can be concordant with both left-wing and right-wing political orientations.

The extensive expansion and intensive deepening of populism are often orchestrated "from above" by populist leaders. This involves the leader or a dominant group blaming rivals for maintaining the status quo toward which the public harbors deep-seated dissatisfaction.

What is the relationship between democracy and populism? Democracy possesses an inherent predisposition toward populism, as it derives its ultimate legitimacy from "the people." The necessity of popular support for power underscores the status of the people as the primary and final authority in decision-making. Democracy, first and foremost, is an issue of power. Our position is that democracy must be defined not only by dry procedures but by the quality and depth of participation. It is a substantive process wherein citizens exercise genuine, continuous influence over politics, rather than participating only once every four years. Furthermore, democracy should be viewed as a theory of power and the balance of forces, rather than strictly as a normative theory of human rights.

The contemporary political crisis confirms that reducing democracy solely to competitive elections (the minimalist conception) is a fatal error. When democracy is distilled into a mere act of voting, a "representational gap" emerges between the citizenry and the authorities—elections take place, but real governance is conducted without the participation of the people.

Populism possesses democratic potential when it focuses on "economic injustice" and participation in power. Such populism contends that "the game is rigged" in favor of elite factions, large corporations, and billionaires. It does not assault democracy itself but calls for its extension from the political sphere into the economic realm.

Conversely, populism obstructs democracy when it emphasizes exclusively the will of the majority, fosters irreconcilable hostility toward minorities, and seeks the dismantling of institutions. The leader promises the people the destruction of "bureaucratic barriers" (such as the judiciary, law, and media). Pluralism and the diversity of interests are perceived as obstacles, and the leader seeks to enforce unity through various instruments of dominance.

Two of the most acute factors defining the crisis of modern democracy are participation and representation. On the one hand, democracy requires the guaranteed participation of the demos in decision-making; on the other hand, it is clear that for the vast majority of decisions (especially those made at a national level by the entire demos), this is logistically impossible. To resolve this dilemma, we propose the concept of " Multi-level Democracy"—a synthesis of participatory and representative principles realized across various autonomous but interconnected levels of decision-making.

Overcoming the destructive forms of populism is only possible by restoring the tiers (steps) of democracy. True sovereignty lies not in the "strong hand" of a leader, but in the substantive participation of the citizen. Multi-level Democracy shifts political debate from abstract ideological warfare to practical, tangible, and local issues.

The survival of democracy hinges on integrating the progressive impulse of populism (the desire for participation) into a Multi-level system. We require a framework where the citizen is an active participant in decision-making at micro-institutional levels (local communities, professional spaces, etc.), ensuring both the principle of participation and the development of an informed electorate at the national level. This pathway may protect democracy from both elite oligarchy and the chaotic plebiscitarianism of the masses.

Georgia-EU: Refusal of a Near-Achieved Goal

Zurab Davitashvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

As a small and weak state, Georgia lacks the capability to independently ensure its vital national interests (sovereignty, territorial integrity, security, and the welfare of its population). Therefore, its primary goal must be to have a strong and reliable ally and friend that will protect and assist it.

Since Georgia restored its independence, three viewpoints on foreign policy choices have emerged: orientation toward Russia, neutrality, or the West. Of these, the first option was unacceptable to the vast majority of the Georgian population. The second was impossible, as Georgia met none of the conditions required to receive guaranteed neutrality. The third, which primarily implied integration into the European Union, was the most popular, yet the most difficult to implement.

To achieve a country's accession into any union or alliance, three conditions must be met: 1) The desire of the vast majority of the country's population. 2) The government's efforts to achieve this goal. 3) The consent and interest of the members of the receiving alliance or union in accepting a new member.

The first condition is the most evident. The vast majority of Georgia's population supports integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. This was confirmed by a study conducted under our leadership in 2022 across four regions of Georgia (Tbilisi, Mtskheta-Mtianeti, Kvemo Kartli, and Javakheti). 88.6% of respondents favor joining the EU, while only 10.5% believe Georgia should reject it. This sentiment can be explained by both pragmatic considerations and national identity, specifically, the self-perception of being part of the European cultural-civilizational world.

The second condition, the government's effort, spans a long period. Throughout Georgia’s history, whenever the alternative was West or East, Georgian authorities chose the West and Europe. This was true during the brief period of independence in 1918-21 and again after 1991. The Western orientation of the Gamsakhurdia, Shevardnadze, and Saakashvili administrations is an indisputable fact. "Georgian Dream," which came to power in 2012, continued this foreign policy course, resulting in the 2014 Association Agreement and the 2017 visa liberalization.

The third condition, the EU's consent, was the most difficult to achieve due to several serious obstacles:

1) Geography: Many in Europe believe the Caucasus is Asia (specifically the Middle East), which should exclude Georgia from EU membership.

2) Civilizational Belonging: The view that Europe is a Western (Catholic-Protestant) civilization and that the Orthodox world is not "fully European."

3) Readiness: Whether the candidate meets EU political and economic criteria.

4) Geopolitics: EU entry for former Soviet republics means removing them from Russia's sphere of influence. Many felt Europe was unwilling to confront Russia, offering only "Associate" status and visa-free travel to Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia.

These four factors made EU membership seem like a distant, perhaps impossible, prospect. However, the war initiated by Russia in February 2022 showed the West that decisive steps were needed. What seemed distant became reality: in June 2022, Ukraine and Moldova received candidate status, and in December 2023, Georgia received it as well.

In this situation, the Georgian government unexpectedly and sharply changed not only its policy toward the EU but its entire foreign policy orientation. Since April 2024, Parliament has passed a series of anti-democratic, repressive laws that directly contradict EU legislation. Following a questionable victory in the November 2024 parliamentary elections (the results of which the EU has not recognized), Prime Minister Kobakhidze announced that Georgia is suspending all negotiations regarding EU accession until 2028.

Despite continuous protests from the population, the government has intensified an anti-Western campaign, effectively declaring the EU an enemy of Georgia and the Georgian people. This "anti-European hysteria" has essentially detached Georgia from the West. In the words of European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, only the "name" remains of Georgia's EU candidate status.

The current policy of the Georgian government completely contradicts the European aspirations of the population and can be assessed as a betrayal of national interests. This move has also squandered the EU's willingness to allow Georgia to become a dignified member of the civilized world. Given how many opponents Georgia already had within the EU, there is a real danger that such an opportunity may never arise again, leaving Georgia permanently cut off from Europe.

It is difficult to explain this step taken by the Georgian government. Therefore, we are forced to limit ourselves to various assumptions, two of which seem most credible.

The first is that granting candidate status to Georgia showed Russia that it was finally losing the country, leading it to use threats and blackmail to force the Georgian government to adopt a course that would preclude its accession to the European Union.

The second assumption is based on the premise that the Georgian government has transformed into an autocratic and undemocratic authority. Under the conditions of European democracy, they have no chance of winning elections or maintaining power. Consequently, the only way out for them is to reject the European Union.

USA between Past and Present: 2024 presidential elections

Valerian Dolidze, Avtandil Avtandil (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Based on the interpretative method, the article provides answers to two questions: Why did Trump win when he didn't meet the standards and norms necessary to win the presidential elections? Why did Harris lose the elections when the Biden administration's economic achievements were higher than Trump's during his first presidency? Trump's political figure emerged at the intersection of the US's past and future when the question arose of how the country would move into the future. In the history of the United States, one historical cycle has ended and the country has entered a transitional period of its development when everyone feels the need for renewal. The people can no longer live the old way, but the elites don’t know how to govern the country. In this situation, anti-establishment sentiments emerge, which shaped the demand for profound changes. Trump understood this and offered the electorate his plan for rapid and profound changes. One of the reasons for the success of this plan is that Trump’s electorate, which demanded profound changes, did not know how to conduct them. He promised them rapid and profound changes, which proved particularly attractive to republican voters who were characterized by a relatively low level of education. Trump's victory was greatly influenced by Republican voters' negative attitudes toward unelected institutions (bureaucracy, courts, media) that wield great influence in the political system. It was these institutions, with which he had always had a strained relationship, that Trump called the “deep state”. But this does not mean that his electorate supports the dictatorship. On the contrary, they have a negative attitude towards unelected institutions precisely because they consider them to be anti-democratic forces. Therefore, Trump's victory can be seen as an expression of dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and the desire to return power to the people. This is why Trump's negative attitude towards bureaucracy, the courts and the media has neutralized the negative aspects of his biography. Therefore, it can be concluded that the conditions for Trump's victory were created by the contradiction of the modern state, when real power and influence are alienated from the voter and concentrated in the hands of the bureaucracy, experts, courts and the media. The authors share the opinion of American researchers Foy and Mack that voters perceive the growing influence of unelected institutions and experts as undemocratic restrictions on popular sovereignty. Trump capitalized on the anti-establishment sentiments of the electorate and presented a program that focused on specific goals and clearly defined ways to achieve them. It is impossible to determine the reasons for Trump's victory by just one variable. It is the result of a causal chain, which consists of a number of variables that can be divided into three groups: 1. socio-economic; 2. cultural and ideological; 3. technical. Socio-economic group combines variables such as: inflation, unemployment, wages, economic growth, social equality, the gap between rich and poor, material standard of living. Cultural and ideological: value orientations, attitudes towards inequality, social injustice, democracy, constitution, political system. Technical: ratings, features of the election campaigns, election programs, behavior of election subjects, etc. Biden's unpopularity and his replacement by Harris, who didn't have enough time to fully develop her election campaign, played a significant role in Trump's victory. But the most important thing was that, unlike Trump, she was unable to convince the electorate that the US had achieved better economic results during Biden's presidency than Trump had during his first presidency. But despite the decline in inflation, it still remained a major issue for voters, which is the direct cause of Harris's defeat. Unlike Trump, she was unable to focus her program on the most important issues. It was more diffuse and less concentrated.

The Spatial Dynamics of Diaspora Disenfranchisement: Mapping Polling Station Accessibility in Georgia’s Parliamentary Elections (2016-2024)

Mariam Jikia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The presented paper explores the spatial dimensions of extraterritorial voting in Georgia, specifically focusing on the 2016, 2020, and 2024 parliamentary elections. During this period, migration evolved from a crisis-driven exodus into a structured pattern of labor migration, resulting in an estimated 1.2 to 1.6 million Georgian citizens living abroad, roughly one-third of the country’s population. Despite the formal constitutional guarantee of suffrage for all citizens regardless of residence, the actual exercise of this right was systematically hindered by a restrictive implementation framework that utilized geographic distance as a primary barrier to participation. The spatial distribution of electoral infrastructure limited exclusively to diplomatic and consular missions created a “geographic trap” that effectively disenfranchised the majority of the diaspora.

The legal basis for extraterritorial voting during the 2016–2024 period was anchored in the Election Code of Georgia, which restricted voting to in-person participation at designated polling stations abroad. Crucially, Article 70 of the Election Code granted the Central Election Commission (CEC) the discretionary authority to determine the locations of these stations, but they must be situated within diplomatic or consular facilities. This legal-spatial interaction transformed Georgia’s relatively small diplomatic network into an absolute geographic constraint. While many European democracies introduced postal, internet, or proxy voting to facilitate diaspora participation, Georgia consistently rejected such alternatives, citing security concerns and the potential for fraud. Consequently, physical presence at a consulate became the only avenue for voting, a requirement that imposed prohibitive travel costs on a geographically dispersed diaspora.

The 2016 parliamentary elections established a baseline of spatial concentration. Georgia opened 52 polling stations abroad, primarily in capital cities where diplomatic missions were located. By 2024, the gap between the diaspora population and the electoral infrastructure became undeniable. Initial plans for 60 polling stations were expanded to 67 following intense pressure from civil society and diaspora communities. These seven additional precincts were opened in high-demand locations like Barcelona, Berlin, and Rome. Nevertheless, all 67 precincts remained tethered to existing diplomatic institutions.

The concentration of polling stations in capital cities created what this study defines as “selective accessibility”. For Georgian citizens in major metropolitan areas like Athens or Berlin, participation costs were minimal. Conversely, those residing in southern Italy (Naples, Palermo), northern Germany, or regional Greece faced travel distances of 300 to 500 kilometers to exercise their rights. The time and financial burdens of such travel effectively disenfranchised working-class migrants and irregular residents who could not afford to miss work or pay for long-distance transport. This spatial rigidity created a significant participation bias; the subset of the diaspora that could navigate these hurdles was disproportionately urban, educated, and politically engaged.

The spatial barriers served a clear partisan function. Analysis of the 2024 elections revealed a profound divide, according to the results, the 40-percentage-point gap indicates that the diaspora remained a formidable opposition constituency. The research suggests that the state’s refusal to expand spatial accessibility was a strategic choice to suppress a politically unfavorable electorate. This trajectory culminated in late 2024 with the legislative decision to abolish extraterritorial voting entirely for the 2025 cycle, citing concerns over “external pressure” on diaspora voters. This act represented the logical endpoint of a decade-long process where spatial constraints were leveraged to systematically erode the substance of universal suffrage.

Legal and Practical Mechanisms for Youth Policy Implementation in Georgia

Mariam Gelkhauri (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Youth policy is one of the most important components in the development of a modern democratic state and aims to unlock the potential of young people and strengthen their sense of civic responsibility. As noted in academic circles, citizens play an essential role in strengthening a healthy democracy; whilst the nature of the system of government is determined by the structure and actions of the government, citizens must also play a decisive role in legitimising and validating this structure (Burrows, Abashidze, Mukhiguli, Dundua & Karaia). Accordingly, youth policy is geared towards promoting the development of young people’s potential and strengthening their sense of civic responsibility. In international practice, youth policy is regarded as a social investment that ensures long-term state stability (Denstad, 2009). In Georgia, efforts to prioritise these issues at the policy level have been on the active agenda since 2010, marked by the establishment of the Ministry of Sport and Youth Affairs (Georgian Government Decree No. 183, 2010). It was during this period that the institutionalisation of youth policy began, a process which continued with the adoption of the “State Youth Policy of Georgia” in 2014. According to the document, youth work encompassed educational activities involving and aimed at young people, with their active participation and integration into society identified as a priority objective (Government of Georgia, 2014, p. 5). Nevertheless, the development of the legal framework in Georgia has often failed to address the actual socio-political challenges facing Georgian young people.

The development of youth policy in Georgia is reflected in the government’s Action Plan for the period 2015-2020 and the State Strategy for the period 2020-2030, both of which were adopted by a parliamentary resolution. These documents highlight the challenge of low political participation among young people and their under-representation in the decision-making process (Gelkhauri, 2024). The recently adopted “State Youth Strategy 2023-2026” aimed to implement these priorities in a coordinated and transparent manner. However, the relevance of this study stems from the fact that declarations at the normative level often remained purely formal in nature, whilst the mechanisms for their practical implementation remained vague. This problem is typical of countries in democratic transition, where a significant “implementation gap” arises between the formulation and implementation of policy (Hill & Hupe, 2002).

Given the importance of this issue, the aim of this study was therefore to analyse the legal foundations of youth policy in Georgia, as well as the practical obstacles to its implementation. To achieve this aim, the following objectives were defined: 1. To examine the development of the legal framework governing youth policy; 2. To conduct a comparative analysis of the priorities set out in state strategies and the institutional mechanisms for their implementation; 3. To identify the structural and resource-related obstacles that hinder the effective implementation of policy documents. The research questions focused on determining the reasons why existing legislation does not meet the actual needs of young people. A qualitative research methodology was applied for the study. Specifically, through a targeted selection of documents, all key legal acts and strategies adopted from 2010 to the present were evaluated using content analysis and secondary source analysis. The MAXQDA software was used for data categorisation, which enabled the coding of implementation barriers.

The theoretical framework of this study is based on Richard Elmore’s theory of policy implementation, in particular the ‘backward mapping’ approach (Elmore, 1979). Elmore argues that the success of a policy depends less on its hierarchical “top-down” perfection and more on how effectively those implementing it work at the actual point of service delivery. In the Georgian context, this theory helps to explain the phenomenon of ‘strategic discrepancy’: even if the state adopts high-calibre strategies at the central level, their effectiveness is lost in local communities or in inter-agency cooperation due to a lack of resources and bureaucratic hurdles. According to Elmore, policy planning should begin with an analysis of the capacities of the unit closest to the beneficiaries (young people) to ensure that the document does not become a mere ‘wish list’ that remains on paper. This study shows that the shortcomings in Georgia are caused precisely by the failure to take these lower levels into account.

The study of the Georgian case will make a significant contribution to the international academic discourse, as it adds to our understanding of the evolution of youth policy in the countries of the ‘Eastern Partnership’. The Georgian experience represents a unique case that illustrates how Western standards are adapted within a post-Soviet institutional context. The novelty of the topic stems from the lack of critical analyses of the Youth Strategy 2023-2026 within the Georgian academic sphere. In practice, the research findings will assist state institutions in identifying weaknesses in the policy implementation process and developing more effective mechanisms. The work also lays the groundwork for comparative analyses in the context of post-Soviet countries and facilitates the integration of Georgian experiences into the international academic discourse.

Territorial Organization of Georgia and the Determining Factors of Its Formation

Aksana Guchua (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The state territorial arrangement of Georgia represents a complex, historically determined, and multidimensional political-legal system, the consolidation of which into a final model has not yet been completed. This process is shaped both by historical legacy and by the dynamics of contemporary state transformation, which creates certain signs of structural instability and institutional imbalance in territorial governance. Accordingly, the issue of territorial arrangement in Georgia remains a continuously relevant academic and practical subject.

The aim of the present study is to identify the main determining factors in the formation of Georgia’s territorial arrangement and to conduct a systematic analysis of their impact on the structural system of state governance. The study places particular emphasis on the structural components that define the formation of territorial organization, its functional capacities, and its developmental directions.

The research also examines the level of development of the legal framework as one of the key determining factors of territorial arrangement, which influences the clarity of competence distribution between central and regional levels and the functioning of the governance system. In addition, the political-legal context of territorial integrity is analyzed, as it significantly affects the possibilities of forming a unified territorial model in Georgia.

Based on the analysis, it is observed that the formation of Georgia’s territorial arrangement is determined by the interaction of complex factors, where the historical tradition of centralization, incomplete institutional transformation, and fragmentation of legal regulation create systemic challenges. These circumstances contribute to the transitional and non-consolidated nature of the territorial arrangement.

In conclusion, the development of Georgia’s territorial arrangement requires a systematic and integrated approach, which includes the improvement of the legal framework, the deepening of decentralization processes, and the enhancement of institutional coordination. Only such a comprehensive approach can provide the basis for establishing a stable territorial model and ensuring the long-term effectiveness of state governance.

The Dynamics of the ‘Two Rs’: Populist Revisionism, Revanchism, and Georgia’s Security Dilemma

Lasha Tughushi, Malkhaz Gagua (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In recent years, the interaction between populism and security strategies has increasingly shaped the dynamics of international security, particularly in regional conflicts and the strategic choices of small states. While existing scholarship extensively examines the impact of populism on domestic politics, its implications for foreign policy formulation and conflict generation remain comparatively underexplored. This article addresses this gap by conducting an in-depth analysis of how populist narratives interact with revisionist and revanchist security logics, thereby creating one of the most complex and unpredictable environments for contemporary conflicts.

In this study, revisionism is defined as a structural drive to alter the international status quo, manifested in attempts to revise existing rules, norms, and territorial arrangements. Revanchism, in turn, refers to the emotionally charged, historically grounded (often rooted in collective trauma) and frequently aggressive radicalization of this process, which claims to rectify historical "injustices" and justifies doing so even through the overt use of force. The main distinguishing line between these two concepts runs between strategic calculation and emotional, identity-based motivation.

The main thesis of the article is that populist politics often transforms security issues into moralized and identity-driven conflicts, where strategic choices are perceived not merely as pragmatic calculations but as tests of loyalty, dignity, and civilizational belonging. In this context, the dynamics of the "Two Rs" (the mutually reinforcing logic of revisionism and revanchism) creates a dangerous synergy where structural aspirations are fueled by emotional narratives, which in turn significantly increases the risks of conflict escalation, coercive diplomacy, and open military confrontation.

This process acquires particular relevance for Georgia, as a small and strategically vulnerable state that simultaneously experiences a double pressure: on the one hand, clearly expressed external revisionist pressure (Russia's occupation of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions, the instrumentalization of "frozen conflicts," constant military threat), and on the other hand, the detrimental impact of domestic political polarization, institutional weakness, and the erosion of democratic standards. The Georgian case clearly illustrates how domestic vulnerability undermines a small state's capacity to resist external challenges.

Following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, coercive diplomacy, the normalization of the use of force, and aspirations for territorial revision have significantly intensified in the region, creating additional, often disproportionate, pressure on small states. The research demonstrates that the populist discourse accompanying these processes not only exacerbates existing conflicts and reduces the space for compromise but also facilitates the emergence of new, identity-based confrontations in which the opposing side is perceived not as a negotiation partner but as an existential enemy.

Methodologically, the research is largely based on a selective qualitative analysis of political discourse (drawing on principles of critical discourse analysis) and the case study method, with Georgia as the critical case. The analysis examines in detail: (a) public speeches of political leaders, (b) official foreign policy documents and strategic communication materials, and (c) analytical reports of international organizations (European Commission, Freedom House, V-Dem Institute). The analysis focuses on three main aspects: the formation of the "people" versus "enemy" dichotomy, the politicization of historical narratives (e. g., the Treaty of Georgievsk, King Erekle the Second, World War II), and the transformation of security issues into moralized, identity-driven conflicts.

As a result, the article offers an original, empirically grounded conceptual framework that explains how populist narratives influence security strategies and the choices of small states in a competitive geopolitical environment. Ultimately, the research confirms that for a small state caught in the dynamics of the "Two Rs," security is no longer merely a matter of external protection, alliances, or military capabilities – but rather, and perhaps primarily, a function of internal resilience, institutional strength, democratic sustainability, narrative consistency, and political unity. These internal factors determine whether a small state turns external revisionist pressure into a cause of strategic defeat or into an opportunity for adaptation, resistance, and ultimately survival.

Individual Destiny and State Terror: The Case of the Toroshelidze Family in Early Soviet Georgia

Tamar Orjonikidze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

This paper aims to represent the political history of twentieth-century Georgia through the lens of a single family - that of Minadora and Malakia Toroshelidze. The research focuses on a paradoxical reality: how one family became an ideological battlefield between the First Republic of Georgia and the early Soviet period. A microhistorical approach allows us to observe how global political shifts transform family dynamics and individual identity. The Toroshelidze case is unique as it bridges the construction of the Georgian First Republic and the destructive nature of the Soviet regime, embodied in two radically different political worldviews existing under one roof.

The study employs an interdisciplinary approach, integrating historical narrative with sociological and political analysis. The research utilizes three primary types of materials:

Archival Documentation: Criminal cases from the Archive of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Georgia (formerly the KGB Archive), specifically the interrogation protocols of Malakia and Giorgi Toroshelidze. These sources allow for a reconstruction of the ideological pressure exerted by the system on the individual.
Ego-documents: Minadora Toroshelidze’s memoirs and private correspondence. These materials help visualize family dynamics from the "inside," revealing strong emotional bonds that persisted despite political conflict.
Political Genealogy: The paper examines the role of kinship ties (e. g., with Sergo Ordzhonikidze) in strategies for family survival or destruction.

The Toroshelidze family had to coexist across three different eras: the pre-revolutionary, the independence, and the Sovietization periods.

Pre-revolutionary Era: The Beginning of Ideological Differentiation. In the early stages, both Malakia and Minadora Toroshelidze were actively involved in the revolutionary movement. The paper explores the period when the split of the unified Social-Democratic camp into "Mensheviks" and "Bolsheviks" created the first cracks in their political identity. Despite ideological differences, their personal and family relationship remained steadfast in 1910s Georgia, indicating the relatively humane and pluralistic nature of the political culture of that time.
The Era of the First Republic (1918–1921): A "Dangerous Idyll." This is a key section of the paper, analyzing the sharp contrast in political statuses. Minadora Toroshelidze, as a signatory of the Act of Independence and a member of the Constituent Assembly, was one of the state's "founding mothers." Simultaneously, Malakia Toroshelidze operated underground, aiming to overthrow the very state his wife was building. The research highlights the paradoxical situation: Minadora used her political influence to aid the "enemy of the state" in prison—her own husband. Malakia’s release from Batumi prison in February 1921, by order of Noe Zhordania, underscores the tragic irony surrounding this family.
The Post-Sovietization Period (1921–1937): Reversal of Roles and Tragedy. Following Sovietization, the situation mirrored itself. Malakia Toroshelidze became part of the Soviet elite (Rector of Tbilisi State University, Deputy Commissar of Education), while Minadora became a member of the "former people" (bygone elite) caste. The paper details the 1922 "National-Deviationism" episode and the forced exile to Moscow. The system constantly demanded that Malakia ideologically distance himself from his wife—an attempt by the totalitarian regime to dismantle the institution of the family. The final collapse occurred in 1936-1937: Malakia’s arrest on charges of belonging to a "Trotskyite center," the execution of Malakia and both sons (Giorgi and Levan), and Minadora’s long-term exile.

A significant part of the report is devoted to the interpretation of Minadora Toroshelidze’s personal memoirs, written in 1949 while she was in exile. These ego-documents allow us to see individual reactions to the establishment of the totalitarian regime beyond dry archival facts. Her memoirs are particularly valuable for describing the 1921-1924 period, providing a detailed account of the daily lives of the "formers" in Sovietized Tbilisi. The period of exile (Kazakhstan) also holds a central place, where the author anatomizes the Soviet repressive system—a system that continued to persecute Minadora even after her exile, this time due to her husband’s alleged status as an "agent of capitalists." Notably, the face of the system is visible in a phrase Minadora wrote in her memoirs: "I recall nothing about I. V. S.[2]. In my situation, it would be awkward." Ideological differences persisted even after the arrests—according to the memoirs of Susana, the only surviving child of the Toroshelidze family, Lavrentiy Beria told Malakia during interrogation that he "had caught" Minadora and she would be "hit in the teeth."

The paper concludes that the history of the Toroshelidze family is not merely a private tragedy but a reflection of Georgia's political culture in the 1920s and 1930s. In a totalitarian system where ideological loyalty was declared a higher value than kinship, neither ideological loyalty nor influential relatives (Sergo Ordzhonikidze) could ultimately save individuals from physical destruction. The paper argues that microhistorical analysis is the best tool for understanding how totalitarianism erases the boundary between public politics and private life.

This report was prepared with the support of the Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation of Georgia, within the framework of the grant project: "At the Origins of Modern Georgian Parliamentarism: The National Council of Georgia - The Parliament of Georgia." Grant code: FR-23-2950.

Reconfiguring Social Norms in Crisis Contexts: An Integrated Analysis of Spatial, Digital, and Socio-Economic Factors

Salome Elisashvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Contemporary crises—ranging from pandemics and economic downturns to political instability—profoundly reshape not only institutional and urban systems but also the everyday practices of social behavior. While existing scholarship extensively addresses the transformation of social norms under crisis conditions, there remains a notable lack of empirical studies that integrate spatial, digital, and socio-economic inequality dimensions within a unified analytical framework. In particular, insufficient attention has been paid to how these three dimensions interact and produce differentiated patterns of behavioral adaptation across specific local contexts. This study aims to address this gap by providing a comprehensive empirical analysis of the mechanisms driving the transformation of social behavior in a multidimensional crisis environment.

The research adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining both quantitative and qualitative methodologies. The empirical foundation includes: (1) urban mobility and public space usage data, capturing the spatial distribution and intensity of behavioral changes; (2) a systematic content analysis of social media discourse, examining information dynamics, dominant narratives, and the construction of normative frameworks; and (3) semi-structured interviews with representatives of diverse socio-economic groups, enabling the identification of both individual and collective adaptation strategies. In addition, the study incorporates a comparative analysis across different types of urban spaces, allowing for the identification of context-specific variations. This methodological triangulation ensures both the quantitative identification of behavioral trends and their in-depth contextual interpretation.

The analysis focuses on three key dimensions. The first dimension examines urban space as an active arena for the formation and transformation of social norms. Mobility data and patterns of public space usage indicate that the strictness of regulations, spatial organization, and infrastructural characteristics are directly associated with the degree of behavioral adaptation. In settings where targeted spatial interventions—such as flow regulation, zoning, or the temporary reconfiguration of public spaces—were implemented, higher levels of compliance were observed. These findings suggest that urban planning in times of crisis functions not merely as a reactive mechanism but as an active agent in shaping normative behavior.

The second dimension addresses the digital environment and processes of information dissemination. Social media content analysis reveals that information flows during crises do not simply reflect but actively shape behavioral norms. Periods marked by increased misinformation correspond with heightened behavioral uncertainty and declining institutional trust, which in turn reduces compliance with regulations. Conversely, narratives emphasizing solidarity and collective responsibility are associated with higher levels of coordinated behavior. This indicates that digital platforms function as spaces of normative co-construction, playing a critical role in shaping the trajectory and speed of social adaptation.

The third dimension explores social inequality and the differentiated nature of crisis responses. Analysis of interview data and socio-economic indicators demonstrates that various social groups respond unevenly to crisis-related regulations. Lower-income populations and groups with limited access to resources often face structural constraints that hinder full adaptation to emerging norms. These constraints include not only economic limitations but also spatial factors, such as high-density living conditions and restricted access to public services. As a result, behavioral differentiation emerges, reflecting not only individual choices but also broader systemic inequalities.

The findings of this study demonstrate that the transformation of social behavior in crisis contexts constitutes a dynamic and multi-layered process shaped by the interaction of spatial, digital, and social factors. The primary contribution of the research lies in its integrated empirical approach, which addresses a significant gap in the literature and offers new insights into the mechanisms underlying normative change.

In conclusion, the study highlights that effective crisis management requires data-driven and context-sensitive policy approaches that simultaneously account for urban dynamics, digital communication processes, and social inequalities. This integrated perspective is particularly critical in an era where crises are increasingly complex and interconnected. The findings hold relevance not only for academic inquiry but also for practical policy-making, particularly in the field of public governance.

EU Enlargement and Frozen Conflicts in Georgia: Implications for Integration and Regional Stability

Guguli Magradze, Nino Dzidzishvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The European Union’s renewed enlargement agenda following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has brought the Eastern Neighbourhood back to the centre of European geopolitics. The granting of candidate status to Georgia, alongside the advancement of Ukraine and Moldova in the accession process, reflects the EU’s growing recognition of enlargement as a strategic tool for promoting stability, democracy, and security. Nevertheless, unresolved territorial disputes continue to pose significant challenges to the accession prospects of countries seeking closer integration with the Union.

This paper explores the impact of frozen conflicts on Georgia’s European integration process and assesses their implications for regional stability. Since the early 1990s, the unresolved conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia have undermined Georgia’s territorial integrity, limited state authority, and shaped both domestic political dynamics and foreign policy priorities. The situation was further consolidated after the 2008 Russo-Georgian War, when Russia recognized both territories and expanded its military presence in the region. These developments have created structural obstacles to Georgia’s fulfilment of key EU accession requirements, particularly those related to institutional stability, effective governance, and security.

Using the framework of Article 49 of the Treaty on European Union and the Copenhagen criteria, this study analyses the extent to which frozen conflicts affect Georgia’s ability to advance towards membership. It argues that, despite significant reform efforts and a strong pro-European orientation, unresolved territorial disputes remain a decisive constraint on accession prospects. More broadly, the Georgian case demonstrates how frozen conflicts have evolved from questions of territorial integrity into geopolitical factors that influence enlargement policy, regional security, and the future balance of power in Europe. The paper concludes that the management of such conflicts will be crucial for both Georgia’s European trajectory and the EU’s long-term enlargement strategy.

“Caucasian Calendar” and the “Georgian Calendar”: Educational, cultural and social functions in the second half of the 19th century

Nana Janashia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In the second half of the 19th century, the development of periodical publications in the Caucasus was closely linked to the political and economic interests of the Russian Empire. After the Russian Empire had finally formed a perception of the South Caucasus as an economically rich and promising region, the need arose for a systematic description of its resources, population, and culture. It was precisely this goal that the “Caucasian Calendar,” a Russian-language annual publication founded in Tbilisi in 1845 and published until 1917, served.

The establishment of the “Caucasian Calendar” is associated with the activities of the Viceroy of the Caucasus, Mikhail Vorontsov. He aimed to disseminate information about the Caucasus both within the administrative circles of the Empire and among foreign entrepreneurs, and to facilitate the attraction of capital to the region. The publication had a reference and encyclopedic character, containing administrative, economic, geographical, statistical, and cultural information. One of the first editors of the “Caucasian Calendar” was the well-known archaeologist and historian Adolf Berge, who gave the publication a scientific and academic character.

Alongside the Russian-language publication, at the end of the 19th century, Georgian society developed a demand for a national, Georgian-language annual publication. As a result of this process, the “Georgian Calendar” was established in 1884 and remained in publication until 1917. The idea for its publication was likely inspired by the model of the “Caucasian Calendar,” although the “Georgian Calendar” performed a fundamentally different function.

The “Georgian Calendar” was an almanac-type publication, founded and primarily edited by Ivane Kheladze. The first issue was edited by Zakaria Chichinadze (under the pseudonym “Z. Mtatsmindeli”). In subsequent years, the publication was led by prominent Georgian figures such as Ivane Machabeli, Alexander Kazbegi, Ilia Chavchavadze, and Valerian Gunia.

The “Georgian Calendar” was not merely a publication containing dates and chronological information. It represented a multifunctional educational and informational platform, publishing historical articles, literary texts, practical advice, statistical data, agricultural information, and advertisements. The publication played an important role in shaping national consciousness and in the intellectual development of Georgian society.

Of particular note is Anton Purtseladze’s publication in the 1884 issue of the “Georgian Calendar” titled “Memory of What It Originates From.” This text addressed technical inventions and scientific achievements widespread in Europe. The article, published on pages 18-22, clearly reflects the interest of Georgian society in European technological progress and indicates that the “Georgian Calendar” served not only as a cultural and literary medium but also as a means of disseminating scientific and educational information.

A comparative analysis shows that, despite formal similarities, the “Caucasian Calendar” and the “Georgian Calendar” had different ideological and social functions. The former represented an imperial administrative-reference publication, while the latter was an important instrument for the development of national culture, education, and public opinion. Both publications are important sources for studying the social, cultural, and intellectual history of the Caucasus at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries.

Determinants of Educational Debate Program Impact

Tinatin Tsertsvadze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The modern digitalized environment significantly transforms young people's social experiences, forms of communication, and decision-making processes. Rapid access to information, the growth of virtual relationships, and constantly changing social contexts create new demands for young people’s adaptive abilities. Despite the positive impact of technological progress, the need for developing social and cognitive skills that ensure effective interaction, responsible decision-making, and constructive communication is becoming increasingly evident. The 21st-century individual remains a social being; however, functioning in a new environment requires flexibility, critical analysis, and the ability to consider diverse perspectives, which is becoming one of the important goals of modern education.

Particular importance is attached to developing skills among young people that promote improved social relationships, constructive conflict regulation, and adaptation to rapidly changing environments. In the modern era, intensive digitalization processes have significantly altered young people's communication styles, social relationships, and decision-making strategies. Although technological development creates many opportunities, it often reduces face-to-face communication, depth of critical thinking, and practical experience in conflict management. Therefore, contemporary educational environments increasingly emphasize teaching methods that support the development of social competencies.

Experience also shows that the earlier these skills are developed, the faster and more easily young people are able to implement them in real-life contexts. Accordingly, the introduction of debate-based educational programs in general education, higher education, and vocational institutions in Georgia represents an important step forward in developing individuals’ professional and social skills.

Formal debate-based educational programs are considered one of the most effective tools for developing critical thinking, argumentation, collaboration, and conflict-regulation skills. During debates, participants learn to analyze different perspectives, justify arguments, and constructively evaluate opposing viewpoints. This process contributes not only to cognitive but also to socio-emotional skill development, which is particularly important in times of crisis, when societal polarization and the likelihood of conflict increase.

One of the theoretical foundations of this study is Dimitri Uznadze’s Theory of Set (Disposition), according to which human behavior is largely determined by pre-formed attitudes and functional tendencies. Functional tendency is considered a prerequisite for behavioral response that determines the direction of an individual's behavior in specific social situations. The experience gained during debates contributes to the formation of functional tendencies toward constructive communication and peaceful conflict regulation, enabling young people to manage social relationships more effectively.

The presented research is based on quantitative and qualitative studies conducted within the framework of a doctoral dissertation. The purpose of the quantitative research was to identify trends in the development of soft skills among youth participating in debate programs and to analyze their relationship with behavioral strategies for conflict regulation. In addition, qualitative research was conducted through focus groups and semi-structured interviews involving students, parents, and teachers. Participants evaluated the impact of debate-based educational programs on the development of critical thinking, communication, and conflict-management skills. The program was implemented for at least one academic year, allowing assessment of its long-term impact.

Preliminary research findings indicate that participation in debate programs contributes to the development of more constructive conflict-regulation strategies. Participants demonstrated increased readiness to accept diverse opinions, higher levels of empathy, and improved argument-based communication skills. These changes can be considered within the context of Dimitri Uznadze’s functional tendency formation process, where repeated experiences contribute to the establishment of new behavioral patterns.

The research findings are particularly important in the context of contemporary socio-political transformations, where conflict-management skills are considered one of the key factors for young people’s professional and social success. The integration of formal debate programs into the educational system helps prepare young people for democratic societies, where constructive dialogue and cooperation serve as foundations for social stability.

Manipulative Propaganda in Georgia: Possibilities for Neutralizing It Using the Example of the ID Card Campaign

Mariam Skhiladze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The presented paper explores the manipulative propaganda conducted during the implementation of biometric documents (ID cards) in Georgia and the counter-strategic state communication employed in response. The relevance of the research underscored by the fact that the ID card reform was not merely a technological innovation but a primary prerequisite for the Visa Liberalization Action Plan (VLAP) with the European Union. Consequently, the public unrest surrounding this process transcended religious discourse and was directly linked to the country’s foreign policy orientation.

The theoretical framework of the paper built upon models of mass communication such as Agenda-setting theory and Framing theory. Particular attention is given to the phenomenon of Fearmongering, utilized by opponents to instill irrational, existential threats within society. As a counterweight to this destructive campaign, the analysis relies on the Fear Appeal theoretical model, through which state strategic communication aimed to rationalize these fears, transform the perception of threat, and return the public to a framework of actual security.

The study employs the Case Study method, relying on qualitative analysis, media content examination, and discourse analysis. The findings reveal that the portrayal of the ID card as the "Mark of the Beast" and a tool for total control was a classic instance of Fearmongering. In response, strategic communication managed to transform the narrative—replacing the frame of fear with frames of security, convenience, and European freedom. The research demonstrates that this "reframing" and proactive communication played a decisive role in neutralizing manipulative propaganda.

The concluding section presents findings on the effectiveness of institutions during crisis communication when faced with deliberate fearmongering campaigns. The paper offers significant material for mass communication specialists and researchers better understand the mechanisms of combating manipulative propaganda in the digital age.

Euroscepticism in Hungary: Real Public Sentiment or Strategy of Political Elites?

Vladimer Grdzelishvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Euroscepticism has become an important phenomenon in modern European politics, expressing a critical and contradictory attitude towards the process of integration into the European Union. In recent decades, Euroscepticism has moved from a marginal political position to an important part of European political discourse, and today it is often used as a political tool to strengthen the narrative of protecting national sovereignty, identity, and economic interests. In this regard, Hungary represents an interesting case, where the Eurosceptic rhetoric of the ruling political elites and the real sentiments of the public differ. Historically, the formation of Euroscepticism in Hungary dates back to the 1990s, when political parties put forward issues of national sovereignty and ethno-nationalist identity. After Hungary acceded to the European Union in 2004, there was a broad political consensus in the country in favor of European integration, but the economic difficulties that intensified in the mid-2000s, the coming to power of “Fidesz” after 2010, and the migration crisis of 2015 contributed to the strengthening of critical discourse towards the European Union in Hungary. As a result, today, “Fidesz” presents the European Union as a competitor to Hungary’s national interests and promotes the creation of “European nations” where supranational power will be reduced.

This paper aims to analyze the forms and driving factors of Euroscepticism in Hungary and, based on a comparative analysis of the rhetoric of political elites and public sentiments, to clarify the following issue: Is Euroscepticism in Hungary a structurally formed public attitude or a political strategy constructed by the ruling elites?

The paper is based on a qualitative research methodology and uses the Rhetorical Political Analysis (RPA) approach as a theoretical framework, which considers Eurosceptic discourse not only as a set of opinions about the European Union, but also as a strategic, situational practice that determines the social distance between political players (Orbán/Fidesz) and various audiences. This theoretical framework emphasizes how politicians deliberately increase or decrease the distance to the European Union, in parallel with distancing themselves from the positions of local voters. RPA is characterized by taking into account the temporal and spatial context and studying the specific situation. For example, such events in the paper are the post-2015 migration crisis, EU sanctions, and the war in Ukraine. This circumstance allows us to see how the rhetoric of Viktor Orbán and “Fidesz” changes in response to external events, in the wake of maintaining sovereignty. In addition, RPA clearly demonstrates the dual nature of “Fidesz”, which can sometimes correspond to forms of soft (calling for EU reform) and hard (threatening Hungary’s exit from the EU) Euroscepticism at the same time. In short, RPA offers a comprehensive, multidimensional analysis that can explain why Eurosceptic messages are created, how they are delivered to the public, and what effect they have on the Hungarian political arena. The research uses the analysis of statements and discourse of the ruling political elites of Hungary, especially “Fidesz” and Viktor Orbán, as well as a systematic review of academic literature and secondary data from empirical public opinion studies. Discourse analysis allowed us to assess how skeptical narratives towards the European Union are constructed in Hungary and in what linguistic form they are delivered to the public. At the same time, the research relies on a comparative analysis method, which examines the differences between the rhetoric of elites and public sentiments in Hungary, which ensures a complex assessment of the function and dynamics of Euroscepticism.

The main findings of the study show that Euroscepticism in Hungary is mainly a discourse formulated and strategically used by the ruling political elites, while a significant part of the public still positively assesses EU membership, especially in terms of economic benefits and the country’s stability. The analysis of the paper reveals that the rhetoric of Viktor Orbán and “Fidesz” presents the European Union as a challenge to national sovereignty, cultural identity, and economic security, which serves to mobilize voters and strengthen internal political legitimacy. In conclusion, the study indicates that Euroscepticism in Hungary is more of a political strategy constructed by elites than a widespread public sentiment. Accordingly, the Eurosceptic discourse in Hungary is formed from top to bottom and is used as an important instrument of political governance.

The Role of Media in the Era of Crises: Destabilization and Reorganization of Order in the Process of Democratic Transformation (1996–2013)

Inga Koridze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The presented study explores the role of Georgian print media in the era of crises. It examines how media participates in shaping political and social order during the period of Georgia’s democratic state formation (1996–2013). The aim of the research is to analyze how media discourse evolved under conditions of crises and destabilization, within the broader context of institutional reforms.

The study covers an extensive period of nearly two decades marked by significant political and economic transformations. While the qualitative characteristics of media may not always change drastically over time, the years 1996–2013 represent a crucial phase of transformation, making them particularly relevant for assessing the role of media.

The theoretical framework of the study is based on Everett Rogers’ Diffusion of Innovations theory, according to which mass media function as key agents in the dissemination of new ideas within society. In the Georgian context, the media underwent profound transformations: it evolved as an institution while simultaneously shaping societal value orientations. Georgian print media extended beyond the mere dissemination of information and actively participated in processes of value transformation. Within this paradigm, the media is conceptualized as an institution functioning as an early indicator of political processes, often signaling emerging crises in advance.

Based on expert interviews conducted within the framework of the study, the concept of the “symptomatology of media discourse” is also introduced, which is grounded in the principle of “diagnostics.” According to this concept, individual signs and messages appearing in the press may be perceived as “symptoms,” which eventually develop into symptomatology and a systemic syndrome. The interpretation of dispersed messages in the press - political confrontation, contradictions, and signs of crisis - within a unified context also created the possibility of forecasting processes. This is particularly evident in the analysis of destabilization processes. Based on expert interviews, it can be said that the press prepared the ground for certain events—just as a small stone can trigger an avalanche, dispersed messages created an information flow and influenced the formation of public opinion. Particular importance was attached to analytical articles, which contributed to identifying cause-and-effect relationships and forecasting political and social processes. Issues of public relevance first appeared in agenda-setting publications and were later disseminated through television and other media platforms.

Using purposive sampling, the study examines the following newspapers: "Kviris Palitra", "7 Dge", "Akhali 7 Dge", "Asaval-Dasavali". The research is grounded in an interdisciplinary methodological framework that combines thematic content analysis, framing analysis, critical discourse analysis, and semi-structured interviews. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the enrichment of empirical material through in-depth interviews. Expert analyses provide a practical framework that can assist contemporary Georgian media in reassessing its role in the process of democratization.

The study period is divided into three main phases. The first phase (1996–2002), referred to as the period of “liberation of speech” and diffusion of innovations, is characterized by the rise of print media and the establishment of media as a relatively free institution. The second phase (2003–2008), in the context of reforms, is marked by the incorporation of liberal rhetoric and “innovations” into official political discourse, alongside increasing political influence over the media. The third phase (2009–2013) reflects deepening political polarization and the rapid development of digital media, which led to a decline in the influence of print media. In the context of media capitalism and the digital era, information became increasingly subject to marketing interests, while communication turned more algorithm-driven, decentralized, and fragmented.

The results of the study show that the media functioned as a key disseminator of democratic values and actively participated in covering processes of destabilization, highlighting its central role in periods of transformation. The media contributed to the formation of a new social and political order and alongside reflecting reality, served as an important mechanism for societal consolidation during times of crisis. At the same time, in certain cases, it influenced political processes.

The study of Georgian media in the context of crises and destabilization processes provides an important empirical foundation for further research on the role of media in democratization.

U. S. Foreign Policy Strategic Influence and Fifth-Generation Warfare Elements in the Black Sea Geopolitical Landscape

Polina Vacheishvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

This paper examines the evolving role of United States foreign policy in shaping the geopolitical and security dynamics of the Black Sea region through the lens of fifth-generation warfare (5GW). As contemporary conflicts increasingly transcend traditional battlefield boundaries, the Black Sea has emerged as a critical arena where military, economic, informational, and technological instruments of power converge. In this context, the study explores how U. S. strategic behavior reflects the transition from conventional and hybrid warfare models toward a more complex, multidimensional framework characteristic of 5GW.

The research is grounded in the assumption that modern strategic competition is no longer defined solely by kinetic force, but rather by the ability to influence political will, control narratives, and shape the operational environment across multiple domains. U. S. foreign policy in the Black Sea region demonstrates a consistent application of integrated deterrence, combining selective military presence with economic statecraft, cyber capabilities, information operations, and alliance-based engagement. This approach aims not only to deter adversaries but also to structure the regional security environment in ways that favor Western institutional and strategic interests.

Particular attention is given to the interaction between U. S. policy and regional developments following the war in Ukraine, which has significantly altered the balance of power and intensified geopolitical competition. The study analyzes how non-kinetic instruments—such as sanctions regimes, energy diversification strategies, and counter-disinformation initiatives—function alongside traditional deterrence mechanisms. In doing so, it highlights the increasing relevance of geoeconomic tools and infrastructure projects as instruments of strategic influence, reflecting a broader shift toward what may be described as a “geo-economic race” complementing military competition.

The paper also explores the growing importance of emerging domains associated with fifth-generation warfare, including cyberspace, artificial intelligence, and space-based capabilities. These dimensions not only enhance operational efficiency but also expand the scope of strategic engagement, enabling actors to exert influence without direct confrontation. Within the Black Sea context, such capabilities are particularly relevant given the region’s exposure to hybrid threats, asymmetric tactics, and information warfare campaigns.

Methodologically, the study employs a qualitative approach that integrates document analysis, structured comparative assessment, and expert interviews. The findings are interpreted through thematic coding and analytical triangulation, allowing for the identification of recurring strategic patterns across different conflict environments. This methodological framework strengthens the causal analysis and supports the broader argument that 5GW is not a discrete form of warfare, but rather an evolving set of practices embedded in contemporary international relations.

The study concludes that U. S. foreign policy in the Black Sea region exemplifies a transitional model of warfare, where traditional military power remains essential but is increasingly embedded within a broader system of multidomain influence. The implications of this shift are significant for regional security, as they redefine the nature of deterrence, escalation management, and strategic competition. Ultimately, the paper contributes to the academic and policy-oriented understanding of how fifth-generation warfare manifests in practice and how it shapes one of the most strategically sensitive regions in the contemporary international system.

Comparative Analysis of the European Media Freedom Act and Georgia’s Media Legislation

Mariam Gersamia, Gvantsa Gurgenidze, Marika Gersamia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Between 2021 and 2026, the media landscape in Georgia has significantly deteriorated (Media Voice, 2025; RSF, 2025). Against the backdrop of an increasingly kleptocratic regime, legislative initiatives targeting the media began as early as 2017, followed by changes and the instrumentalization of repressive laws against critical media (Gersamia & Sajaia, 2024). Improving Georgia’s information ecosystem is largely dependent on European integration, which represents a declared aspiration of the Georgian people (Article 78 of the Constitution). On this path, it is essential to harmonize legislation, including media laws with European standards. However, due to the policies pursued by the ruling party, this alignment has come into question. Both the media laws themselves and the manner in which they are implemented have increasingly diverged from European standards.

The aim of this analysis is to clearly outline the requirements and standards set by the European Union’s regulatory framework; specifically, the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and to compare them with the existing legislation and practices in Georgia. Beyond legal norms, it is equally important to consider how Georgian media laws function in practice. The document includes specific recommendations on how Georgian media legislation can be brought into alignment with European standards, in preparation for a period when rapid implementation of reforms will become feasible on the path toward European integration.

The research questions are as follows:

RQ1: How does the Georgian media legal framework compare with the requirements of the European Media Freedom Act across key areas such as editorial independence, media pluralism, regulatory autonomy, public service broadcasting, journalists’ protection, and platform regulation?

RQ2: In what ways do the implementation and enforcement of Georgian media laws depart from European standards in practice?

RQ3: What legislative and institutional reforms are necessary to bring Georgia’s media environment into closer alignment with EMFA standards and broader EU integration requirements?

This study employs a desk research–based comparative doctrinal legal methodology. It is grounded in the systematic review and analysis of primary legal and policy documents, alongside secondary sources such as institutional reports, court decisions, etc. The central method is a comparative legal analysis that examines the extent to which Georgian media law and regulatory practice align with EMFA standards across key thematic areas, including editorial independence, media ownership and pluralism, regulatory independence, public service broadcasting, journalists’ protection, and the regulation of major online platforms. In addition to assessing the formal legal framework, the study also evaluates how these rules operate in practice, allowing for a practice-oriented assessment of implementation gaps, institutional weaknesses, and divergences from European standards. On this basis, the research adopts both analytical and policy-oriented dimensions, identifying areas of non-compliance and formulating recommendations for legislative and institutional reform.

In the process of European integration, the protection of media freedom and pluralism is one of the key priorities the European Union emphasizes in its relations with candidate countries. Harmonizing media legislation with European standards and specifically, the requirements of the EMFA is not merely a formal obligation or procedural step. Analysis shows that the main precondition for implementing reforms is political will and the strengthening of democratic institutions.

The comparative analysis demonstrates that the gap between the standards of the European Media Freedom Act (EMFA) and the current Georgian media framework is not limited to isolated legislative inconsistencies, but reflects a broader structural divergence in both law and practice. The study shows that the problem is not only regulatory deficiency, but also the concentration of discretionary power in institutions that lack sufficient independence and accountability. A central finding of the study is that the deterioration of media freedom in Georgia appears systemic. From a broader perspective, the study concludes that media freedom is directly linked to Georgia’s democratic development and European integration trajectory.

Reconsideration of the Wider Black Sea region as a part of EU Security after Russia’s invasion in Ukraine

Phikria Asanishvili (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Before the war in Ukraine, the European Union perceived the Black Sea region as a crossroads connecting Europe with Asia. The EU always underlined the importance of the Black Sea area in the fields of connectivity, energy security, and regional development, indeed as a maritime connection between Europe and the Caucasus, it forms a crucial component of the Middle Corridor—a multimodal trade route linking China to Europe via Central Asia and the South Caucasus. However, a well-defined strategy for the Black Sea region within Europe’s security architecture did not exist before the war in Ukraine.

The Wider Black Sea region consists of two EU and NATO member states (Bulgaria, Romania), one NATO member state (Turkey) and six post-Soviet states: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, Russia and Ukraine. Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine always demonstrated their eagerness to join EU and they were regarded as the most pro-Western-oriented states in the post-Soviet area. In spite of EU’s enlargement to the West of the Black Sea shore, Brussels was pursuing a cautious policy towards Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine due to several reasons:

Absence of willingness of further enlargement to the East within EU member states.
Different political interests of the Black Sea and entire regional states among EU members.
Different perception of threats coming from Russia

The aim of this research is to analyze how the EU’s views on European security are changing with the war in Ukraine and in which sense the Wider Black Sea region is becoming an important part of the European security architecture.

The specific objectives of the research are:

-studying EU’s attitude towards the Wider Black Sea region before the Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine

-analyzing the geopolitical dynamics in the Wider Black Sea region;

- identifying problems and obstacles in the security of Europe after 2022;

The research questions are as follows:

How has Russia’s war in Ukraine affected the EU’s security concerns?
How important is the role of the Wider Black Sea region in the EU’s emerging security architecture?

Methodology. The research combines qualitative content analysis and the case study method. Qualitative content analysis is used to examine the EU’s foreign and security policy toward the Black Sea region. Another reason for choosing the qualitative content analysis lies in the fact that it allows the researcher to analyze decision-makers’ perceptions and attitudes, and to access more documents and public speeches.

The study also employs the case study method because both the research object and the research questions concern EU policy toward the Wider Black Sea region. Robert Yin’s book (2018) significantly contributes to identifying when the case study should be employed while examining the “extensive and in-depth description” of some social phenomenon; Yin emphasizes that conducting a case study is relevant when seeking to explain some contemporary circumstances and asking the questions “how” and “why.” “This is because such questions deal with the tracing of operational processes over time, rather than mere frequencies or incidence” (p. 40). Therefore, this method is the most appropriate for me to study the case and answer the research questions, which, on the one hand, seek to examine the level of shifts/changes in foreign and security policy direction (how) and, on the other hand, explain the causes that triggered that change (“why”).

New Geographies of Spectacle and Speculation: Examining actors and networks in urban development

Suzanne Harris-Brandts, David Sichinava (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Over the past two decades, investors from the Gulf have undertaken numerous urban development initiatives within the South Caucasus and Central Asia, ranging tremendously in scale and geographic spread. These include everything from waterfront resort complexes to deep seaports. As foreign officials seek to diversify their country’s economic portfolios and geographies of influence, such initiatives raise broader questions about the degree to which the influx of capital is accompanied by politics and diplomacy. This research begins to address these questions by tracking key Emirati urban developments in the region.

Drawing from content analysis and cross-case comparisons, we show how approaches to urban development established elsewhere are now being imported and entangled with local processes of urban governance. We argue that to fully understand the emerging geographies of real estate spectacle and speculation, it is necessary to first zoom out and consider these wider scales of foreign engagement. This topic is significant because spectacular megaprojects have long served nation-building, urban renewal, and investment speculation. Amid the intensified global mobility of capital, policies, and imaginaries, states embrace ambitious proposals financed from outside to symbolize prosperity, leading to increasingly ostentatious and technologically sophisticated designs. While some projects materialize, others remain purely aspirational, too extravagant and costly to build, yet still valuable as symbolic capital. Despite their unfinished status, these projects have influenced local urban identities, public discourse, and the international perceptions of their respective countries.

While foreign-funded urban development projects undoubtedly serve foreign interests, their outcomes are not exclusively foreign-determined; local actors retain avenues of influence. Complex institutional structures, popular protests, and political-economic relationships critically shape outcomes. Therefore, examining the various actors and networks offers a useful angle for more deeply assessing such aspirational urban development.

Mobility as an Ideology of Postsocialist Success: The Case of Georgia

Nino Khelaia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In the more than three decades since the collapse of the Soviet Union, spatial mobility has become a dominant normative horizon through which social mobility is imagined and pursued in many postsocialist societies. In Georgia specifically, narratives of success have been closely tied to the capacity to move: to migrate abroad, to study in Western universities, or to relocate from peripheral and less developed regions to the capital, Tbilisi. Public discourse has essentially presented spatial mobility as the primary pathway to social (upward) mobility, meritocratic achievement, and integration into the modern global world that is supposed to be different from the “Soviet past” and its assumed “regressive” attributes. The presented paper suggests that in the Georgian postsocialist context mobility has acquired an ideological function: it has operated as a political-economic narrative through which structural inequalities and the country’s peripheric position in the global economy were reframed as matters of individual opportunity and personal initiative. Gradually, even if in large segments the “postsocialist mobility project” has brought disillusionment by unfulfilled promises and social costs of migration, it was never translated into a political project or political-ideological alliances.

The article examines how the normative valorisation of mobility emerged during Georgia’s postsocialist transformation and how it has shaped contemporary understandings of success and social advancement. Drawing on insights from World-systems theory and critical approaches in International Political Economy, namely, the neo(Gramscian) perspective, the paper conceptualizes Georgia as a semi-peripheric economy integrated into the global capitalist world system through asymmetrical economic and institutional relations. Within such contexts, spatial mobility often becomes a key mechanism through which individuals attempt to access opportunities concentrated in economic and political centres – a practice that carries substantial resemblance to the well-known “catch up” projects and “developmentalist illusions,” but still has its own distinct characteristics. At the same time, the political and policy discourse surrounding mobility oftentimes tends to individualize responsibility for advancement, obscuring structural constraints associated with peripheric economic positioning, labour market segmentation, and uneven regional development.

By situating mobility within the political economy of postsocialist transformation, the paper argues that the ideological valorisation of mobility contributes to the depoliticisation of structural inequalities. It promises individual advancement while simultaneously normalising the unequal spatial distribution of opportunities characteristic of (semi-)peripheral economies. In this way, mobility becomes not only a social practice but also a political-economic mechanism through which peripheral integration into global capitalism is reproduced.

The Security Paradox in Georgia: Hybrid Warfare, Periphery of Conventional Conflict, and the Rise of Illiberal Peace

Gvantsa Abdaladze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Since the restoration of independence, and especially after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war, Georgia’s security environment has undergone a profound transformation, positioning the country as an epicenter of Russian hybrid warfare. Under conditions of sustained hybrid pressure, formal stability has largely been preserved; however, peace has been qualitatively transformed into what can be described as hybrid peace. This form of peace is characterized by the coexistence of institutional stability with informal coercion, external influence, and the gradual erosion of democratic mechanisms. As a result, the boundary between war and peace has become increasingly blurred, producing a complex and ambiguous security landscape.

At the same time, ongoing conventional conflicts in the broader region (most notably the Russia–Ukraine war) as well as related political and economic processes, including practices of sanctions circumvention, have reshaped Georgia’s geopolitical role. The country has emerged as a peripheral yet functionally significant space in the context of conventional warfare. This dual positioning has generated a distinct security paradox: Georgia simultaneously operates as an epicenter of hybrid warfare, a periphery of conventional conflict, and a site of hybrid peace. Such a configuration reflects not only shifting regional dynamics but also the broader transformation of the international order.

Within this evolving context, the contours of an illiberal peace have become increasingly visible in Georgia. The persistence of hybrid threats and external pressures has created a permissive environment for the consolidation of power by domestic political actors, often at the expense of liberal democratic standards. Simultaneously, the growing ambitions of regional actors, particularly Russia and Iran, combined with the perceived inconsistencies and limitations of European Union and NATO policies, have contributed to a reconfiguration of incentives and constraints shaping Georgia’s political trajectory. These developments raise important questions about whether the current dynamics represent a temporary adaptation to external pressures or the longer-term consolidation of an illiberal model of peace.

This paper seeks to examine the extent to which Georgia’s geopolitical transformation (from an epicenter of hybrid warfare to a periphery of conventional conflicts) contributes to the consolidation of illiberal peace. The paper analyzes the interaction between internal and external factors in shaping Georgia’s evolving security and governance model. By situating Georgia within the broader context of regional conflicts and global systemic change, the research aims to provide a nuanced understanding of how small states navigate complex and overlapping security environments.

The consolidation of illiberal peace may be understood as both a response to and a condition for sustaining the country’s role within a shifting geopolitical landscape marked by uncertainty, competition, and the redefinition of international norms. In this context, illiberal peace is not merely an unintended byproduct of external pressures but increasingly functions as a strategic adaptation to a complex security environment. It enables political stability and regime resilience while simultaneously constraining democratic development and institutional accountability. Therefore, Georgia’s evolving model of governance reflects a broader tension between security imperatives and liberal democratic commitments. Ultimately, the study suggests that unless external incentives and internal dynamics shift significantly, the trajectory toward the consolidation of illiberal peace is likely to persist and further deepen.

Goals, Mechanisms, and Consequences of the Capture of Civil Society

Alexandre Kukhianidze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

One of the primary indicators of a strong democracy is a robust civil society. In the 1990s, with the support of mature liberal democracies, national democratic forces in some countries of the former communist bloc managed to create fairly influential independent media, non-governmental organizations, political opposition, and private business. However, in the subsequent decades, the wave of democratization was replaced by a wave of criminalization, and the new democracies found themselves under attack from parties and informal groups of people who used free and fair elections to seize and usurp state power, subsequently capturing the entire state apparatus. National civil societies proved to be one of the most serious obstacles for them, which is why the suppression of independent media, the adoption of measures aimed at restricting the activities of NGOs, bans on opposition political activity, and the granting of privileges to loyal private businesses, as well as mutual support between dictators, have become characteristic features of modern post-communist authoritarianism.

Having lost support from national governments, and with artificial restrictions imposed by them on the interaction of national civil society with international democratic institutions, modern media, NGOs, and the political opposition increasingly have to operate in an ever-narrower legal and political space.

Authoritarian authorities seek to penetrate inside civil society and alter its essence by introducing or counterposing it with their own proxies. These are media, NGOs, and the so-called systemic opposition that are dependent on the ruling clique. Financial subversion of this kind of fake civil organizations is carried out using the state budget, through various kinds of social programs, cultural events, and tenders won by politically loyal companies. Corruption schemes, therefore, become an integral part of the interaction between the authoritarian government and civil society - some media and NGOs are suppressed, while others receive support. This inevitably leads to another problem: polarization in society.

It is difficult for modern authoritarian leaders to maintain power without support from a loyal bureaucracy in central and local government bodies, without corrupt politicians, representatives of the criminal community, and propagandists who discredit democratic values and international democratic institutions, and without demonstrations of public support through the use of a loyal bureaucracy and civil activists working for the authorities.

Thus, the capture of civil society is one of the primary strategic goals in the process of dismantling democracy and establishing authoritarianism. To this end, the political group that has usurped state power and captured the state systematically and purposefully undermines the civic oversight functions of local non-governmental organizations and the media, while also destroying free thought and autonomy within the country's universities. While the capture of state power and the state apparatus involves the unlawful influence of specific group interests over state policy, the capture of civil society signifies the attempts of authoritarianism to suppress the processes of checks and balances by destroying the system of its accountability to the people.

The group of people that has seized power implements legal regulation and ideological subversion, creates an atmosphere of impunity, and directs financial and material resources toward the destruction of civil society. To achieve this, various capture mechanisms are used - financial, administrative, or legal pressure - which lead to the paralysis of civil organizations' work.

The systematic and purposeful nature of the authoritarian regime's subversive work can lead to irreversible processes or, at the very least, seriously complicate society's liberation from dictatorship, especially when civil society itself becomes completely paralyzed, and the people resign themselves to the current situation. Breaking such a system from within, without help from the international democratic community, proves to be extremely difficult or even impossible. The authoritarian regime understands this well and therefore pays special attention to discrediting international democratic institutions, appealing to ideas of sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, foreign influence agencies, or a "global party of war."

In this unequal struggle, it is crucial to prevent the complete capture or destruction of civil society, as it remains the only source that explains to society the true nature of an anti-democratic regime. A combination of internal resistance and international pressure on the usurpers of power always stands a chance of success, as stable dictatorships can collapse in short periods due to a sudden discharge of accumulated tension within society.

Archival Power and the Soviet Legacy in Contemporary Georgia

Tamar Karaia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

This article examines the role of Soviet archives in shaping both memory politics and democratic development in contemporary Georgia. Drawing on theories of archival power, memory regimes, and the relationship between knowledge and power, the study challenges the conventional understanding of archives as neutral repositories of historical records. Instead, it conceptualizes archives as institutions that actively shape what societies remember, forget, and contest. Building on insights from archival studies and memory scholarship, the article argues that access to archives is not merely a question of historical memory but also a matter of transparency, accountability, institutional openness, and democratic governance.

The article explores how the legacy of Soviet archival practices continues to influence the production of historical knowledge and public engagement with the Soviet past in post-Soviet Georgia. Particular attention is paid to the governance of Soviet-era archives, access to former security service records, and the relationship between archival policies and broader efforts to address historical injustices. By linking archival governance to the concept of memory regimes, the study demonstrates how state institutions exercise influence over the boundaries of historical knowledge and public remembrance.

The findings reveal a non-linear process of archival transformation characterized by both progress and setbacks. While successive governments have formally committed themselves to archival openness and have introduced measures aimed at modernizing archival institutions, researchers and practitioners frequently describe the system as “modernized but Soviet in nature.” Persistent bureaucratic obstacles, limited access to sensitive collections, restrictive interpretations of legal provisions, and the survival of Soviet administrative practices continue to constrain meaningful access to archival materials. Consequently, formal openness has not always resulted in substantive transparency.

The article argues that the politics of archives represents a critical yet often overlooked dimension of both memory politics and democratic transition. The Georgian case illustrates that struggles over archival access are simultaneously struggles over historical interpretation, state accountability, and the democratization of knowledge. By integrating archival theory with scholarship on memory politics and post-Soviet transformation, the study advances an understanding of archives as active political institutions whose governance shapes not only collective memory but also the quality of democratic development in societies confronting difficult pasts.

Managing Projects in Times of Geopolitical Instability: Risks, Uncertainty, and Adaptation

Krystian Chołaszczyński, Przemysław Pawlak (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Contemporary project environments are increasingly shaped by geopolitical instability, manifested through armed conflicts, economic sanctions, shifting alliances, and disruptions of global supply chains. These dynamics generate complex and often unpredictable conditions that challenge traditional approaches to project management. In this context, projects are no longer merely operational tools but become strategic instruments for navigating socio-political and economic transformations.

The aim of this paper is to analyze how geopolitical instability influences project management processes, with particular emphasis on the nature of risk, the role of uncertainty, and the emergence of adaptive strategies. The study draws on interdisciplinary perspectives from project management, political science, and complexity theory, conceptualizing projects as temporary organizations embedded within broader governance structures.

The paper distinguishes between measurable risks and deep uncertainty, highlighting the growing importance of non-quantifiable, systemic threats such as regulatory volatility, stakeholder conflicts, and supply chain disruptions. It proposes a typology of project risks specific to geopolitically unstable environments and examines their implications across the project lifecycle.

Furthermore, the study explores adaptive responses, including the adoption of flexible management approaches, resilience-oriented strategies, scenario planning, and enhanced stakeholder engagement. Particular attention is given to the role of project governance in maintaining legitimacy and coordination under conditions of political and social tension.

The paper argues that effective project management in times of geopolitical instability requires a paradigm shift—from control-oriented models toward adaptive, resilience-based frameworks. Consequently, projects emerge as critical mechanisms for implementing public policies and facilitating socio-political transformation in an increasingly uncertain world.

Education Policy Agendas of Radical Right Populist and Eurosceptic Parties in Serbia and Georgia

Sandro Tabatadze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

This paper explores how radical right populist and Eurosceptic parties in postcommunist Europe approach education policy, focusing on a comparative analysis of Dveri in Serbia and Alt-Info in Georgia. Although recent research has begun to examine far-right education agendas in Western Europe, much less attention has been paid to countries outside the EU. It is a significant gap, as political actors in postcommunist settings operate within different historical legacies, institutional constraints, and trajectories of European integration. By examining Serbia and Georgia, the article asks what kinds of education policy agendas these parties advance, where they overlap, and how far existing analytical frameworks help us make sense of their positions.

The study employs a comparative case study design and qualitative content analysis of party manifestos and digital communication. The empirical material consists of Dveri’s manifesto and Facebook posts, and Alt-Info’s Facebook posts and YouTube videos, collected between June 2022 and June 2025. Hence, the paper is guided by the framework developed by Berg, Jungblut, and Jupskås, which distinguishes among redistributive, governance, and content dimensions of far-right education policy. At the same time, the article evaluates whether this framework is sufficient for understanding the education agendas of radical right populist and Eurosceptic parties in postcommunist contexts.

The findings point to a clear pattern of convergence in some areas. In redistributive terms, both Dveri and Alt-Info support a strong role for the state in education. Rather than promoting market-oriented reforms, they favour increased public funding, protection of small schools, and various forms of social support, including measures targeting teachers and students. This orientation contrasts with much of the existing literature on Western European far-right parties and can be linked to the legacy of state-led education systems as well as broader dissatisfaction with liberal reforms associated with Europeanisation.

At the same time, the two parties diverge quite sharply when it comes to governance. Dveri places emphasis on decentralisation and institutional autonomy, presenting these as necessary steps to reduce corruption and political interference. Alt-Info, by contrast, argues for stronger central control and a more directive role for the state, particularly as a way to shield the education system from what it sees as harmful external influences. These differences highlight that far-right education agendas are not internally consistent and are shaped by specific national political environments.

In terms of content, however, the similarities are more pronounced. Both parties advocate a vision of education centred on national identity, religion, and traditional family values, while opposing gender-related and LGBTQ+ topics in schools. Yet these shared positions are framed differently in each case. In Serbia, Dveri links education to demographic concerns and the preservation of national identity, whereas in Georgia, Alt-Info situates its arguments more explicitly within a broader narrative of sovereignty and resistance to Western influence.

Building on these findings, the paper argues that a fourth dimension—internationalization—should be taken more seriously in the analysis of far-right education policy. In both cases, education is not treated solely as a domestic policy field but as a site of contestation over external influence and geopolitical alignment. Both parties portray Western-led reforms, including the Bologna Process, as undermining national traditions, while simultaneously idealising earlier models associated with the Yugoslav or Soviet past. This suggests that, in postcommunist contexts, education policy is deeply embedded in broader struggles over sovereignty, identity, and international orientation.

Ecological Limits and Gender Equality: Purple-Green Economy Tax Synthesis

Olcay Yilmaz, Sercan Yavan (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In the context of deepening multiple global crises, climate change, environmental degradation, and gender inequality emerge not as independent phenomena but rather as structurally interconnected processes that mutually reinforce one another. In this framework, the pursuit of a sustainable future requires not only the consideration of ecological limits but also the achievement of social justice, particularly gender equality. While the green economy approach advocates the restructuring of economic activities within the ecological boundaries of the planet, the purple economy approach places care work, social reproduction, and gender equality at its core. The purple economy is defined as an approach that aims to increase the visibility and value of unpaid care work, household production, and social reproduction processes within the economic system. However, the fact that these two approaches are often addressed separately at the policy level limits the development of comprehensive and effective solutions. This study examines how green and purple economy approaches can be integrated through public finance, particularly via tax policies. The main argument of the study is that existing tax systems are largely gender-blind and environmentally insufficient; therefore, they fail to simultaneously achieve the goals of environmental sustainability and gender justice. In many countries today, the increasing reliance of tax structures on indirect taxes can impose a disproportionate burden on women through their effects on consumption patterns and income distribution. In particular, taxes levied on basic consumption goods may lead to higher effective tax rates for low-income households and women. This situation demonstrates that tax systems, while seemingly neutral, can in practice reproduce gender-based inequalities.

Similarly, carbon taxes and other environmental fiscal instruments may produce regressive outcomes for low-income and vulnerable groups if they are not supported by appropriate social compensation mechanisms. These effects, emerging through energy prices and transportation costs, are more strongly felt by low-income households in which women are more heavily represented. In this context, the design of environmental tax policies should consider not only emission reduction targets but also distributional effects and gender dimensions. The gendered dimension of ecological crises becomes particularly visible in social reproduction processes. Women’s roles in areas such as access to water, energy use, food provision, and care work become increasingly burdensome with climate change and environmental degradation. This situation increases women’s time poverty and restricts their participation in economic and social life. The phenomenon discussed in the literature as the “care crisis,” when intersecting with ecological crises, points to a multi-layered structure of inequality. In this context, considering ecological limits is critically important not only for environmental sustainability but also for the continuity of social reproduction and the achievement of gender justice.

In this context, the study proposes a “gender-responsive green taxation” approach as a theoretical and policy framework. This approach entails the systematic incorporation of gender impacts into the design of tax policies and the development of fiscal instruments aligned with environmental objectives. Accordingly, it is proposed that carbon taxes, environmental charges, and other green fiscal tools be redesigned by considering income distribution and gender effects. Furthermore, directing the revenues generated from these taxes toward areas such as care services, social protection programs, and green transition investments will contribute to strengthening both ecological and social sustainability. Such redistributive mechanisms may also enhance the political feasibility of environmental policies by increasing their social acceptance. Methodologically, the study presents a conceptual and critical analysis positioned at the intersection of public economics, feminist economics, and ecological economics. Based on academic literature and international reports, the limitations and transformation potential of current tax policies are evaluated. In conclusion, it is argued that the sustainability of the welfare state can only be achieved through fiscal policies that simultaneously consider ecological limits and gender justice. In this respect, the study offers an original public finance-based framework for the integration of the green and purple economy.

Crafting State-Led Inclusion over Two Decades: Social Policies in Turkish Higher Education

Onur Kulac (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Over the past twenty years, social policies implemented in Turkish higher education have increased students' access to educational opportunities, and these policies have been both functional and inclusive. This paper will analyze the social policies developed in the field of higher education in Turkey and examine their impact on student support mechanisms. In Turkey, there has been a fundamental increase in the number of universities and students in the last two decades. The expansion in the number of both public and private universities, together with the increase in higher education quotas, has significantly broadened the reach of social policies, enabling a greater number of students to access higher education. In this context, various social policy tools have been developed in Turkish higher education. Among the social policies implemented in higher education, several initiatives stand out, including scholarship and loan programs provided by the Credit and Dormitories Institution, dormitory and accommodation facilities, nutritional support on university campuses, youth and employment programs offered by İŞKUR (Turkish Employment Agency), student project support by TÜBİTAK (The Scientific and Technological Research Council of Türkiye), and free education opportunities at undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Furthermore, digital education and internet support, and support for disabled students can also be considered within the scope of social policies implemented in higher education. An examination of social policies implemented in the Turkish higher education system reveals that support measures have significantly increased students' access to higher education and made it more accessible. In this paper, firstly, the development of Turkish higher education over the last 20 years and the roles of relevant public policy actors in these processes will be examined. Furthermore, the formulation and implementation stages of social policies in Turkish higher education will be evaluated. Subsequently, strategies aimed at increasing access to higher education, particularly long-term proactive policies, will be scrutinized, focusing on factors such as the increase in student and university numbers, the expansion of scholarship and dormitory facilities, meal support, free education, and youth programs. The study concludes that support from TÜBİTAK and İŞKUR stands out as a significant tool contributing to students' academic and professional development. In conclusion, social policies implemented in Turkey over the last twenty years have significantly increased access to higher education and have yielded systematic gains within the framework of inclusive public policies. The social policy practices developed in the field of higher education in Turkey are considered "Best Practices" that can be transferred to other countries. This study will present policy recommendations for the more effective and comprehensive implementation of social policies in higher education in Turkey in the future. The study reveals that the social policies pursued in Turkish higher education are quite functional in increasing access to higher education and in setting an example for international practices. In addition, social policies implemented in higher education in the last twenty years have strengthened students' access to educational opportunities and demonstrated the value added to the higher education system by inclusive policies led by the state.

Reflections of the 1926 All-Union Population Census in Georgia

Revaz Gachechiladze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

A hundred years had elapsed since the first All-Union General Population Census had been carried out in the USSR. It encompassed all Union republics, including the Georgian SSR (then a part of the Transcaucasian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic). Georgia’s territory in 1926 was the same as that of the modern independent state, including the occupied territories currently outside the administration of the central government in Tbilisi.

The 1926 Census was by far the most detailed in comparison with the Soviet Censuses carried out in 1937, 1939, 1959, 1970, 1979, and 1989. The published materials of the 1926 Census provide full information on sex ratio, ethnic and subethnic division, education, etc., down to the level of uezds and rural communities. No materials in 1926 were considered to be confidential in contrast with all the following Soviet Censuses of Population.

According to the situation on December 1, 1926, there were enumerated 2.644 million people in the Georgian SSR, the majority of whom (77.9%) being rural. Collectivization in the USSR was not yet carried out and peasants tilled their own land. Urbanization level was low: just 22.1% resided in urban centers, half of them in the capital city of Tbilisi.

Ethnic structure of population was as follows: Georgians (1.788 million) made up 67.6%, Armenians – 11.6%, Ossetians – 4.3%, Russians – 3.6%, Turks (named "Azerbaijanis" since 1936) – 3.1% Greeks – 2.1%, Abkhazians – 2.1%, Jews (all subgroups) – 1.2%, etc.

It ought to be mentioned that the 1926 Census of Population was the only one carried out in the USSR which enumerated subethnic groups of the Georgians according to different Kartvelian languages –Megruli, Svanuri, and Lazuri, which accounted for respectively 13.5%, 0.7%, and 0.01% of the total of the ethnic Georgians. The 1926 Survey considered Adjarians a subethnic group of the Georgians (4% of the total) according to their religious affiliation (Sunni Islam), which in those times still was the major factor of their identity, while their language was a sub-dialect of Georgian proper. Paradoxically, the 1926 All-Union Population Census, like the successive Soviet Censuses, ignored the religious identity of any other ethnic or subethnic group. E. g., the Jews were not considered a single religious group but several ethnicities ("народности" in Russian), such as Ashkenazi ("евреи" in Russian, literally “the Jews”), or according to their mother tongue (e. g., Georgian Jews), or according to the area of their origin (e. g., Central Asian, Crimean, Mountain Jews).

The population of the Treaty Soviet Socialist Republic of Abkhazia (that was the official name of the region until 1931) within the Georgian SSR was 203.6 thousand (including 15,012 foreign nationals) in 1926, of whom the ethnic Abkhazians made up 56,9 thousands (27.6% of the total population of the Republic). It ought to be mentioned that 15.5% of the Abkhazians (8.8 thousand), all of them residing in the Gali uezd (historical province of Samurzakano), reported their mother tongue to be Megrelian, a Kartvelian language. The ratio of the Georgians was 33.1%, most of them Megrelian-speakers.

Comparisons are made of the 1926 Census data with that of 1989, carried out in the same area. During that period, the population of Georgia more than doubled (an increase by 218%) and reached 5.4 million. The number of population seems to be the largest in Georgia throughout its history. The ethnic composition also changed in comparison with that of 1926, with the ethnic Georgians ratio being 70% (no subethnic division had been recorded), followed by the Armenians (8.1%), the Russians 6.3%, and Azeris 5.7%.

After 1991 the number of population decreased mostly due to emigration while its ethnic composition had undergone serious changes.

The data of the 2024 Population Census of Georgia to be published later in 2026 will give a rare opportunity to compare the population of modern Georgia with that of a hundred years ago.

Child-Centered Governance: Governorship of İstanbul and İstanbul Children’s Foundation Initiatives

Serap Ozmen Cetin (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The development and implementation of protective and preventive social policies for children at the local level are frequently discussed in academic literature and by policymakers. Especially in the world's largest metropolises, such as İstanbul, societal and digital transformations are diversifying and expanding the problem areas affecting children. Educational problems, social exclusion, digital addiction, and criminal tendencies faced by children lead to a complicated policy process, not only individually but also socially. In this context, policies implemented for children need to be shaped more in a preventive and protective manner. In this way, the situations children are exposed to can be identified early, and policy steps can be taken accordingly. This paper will examine projects and initiatives implemented in collaboration with the Governorship of İstanbul and the İstanbul Children's Foundation within the framework of the "Child-Centered Governance" approach. This approach is based on the functional role of children, particularly in social transformation and integration processes. This paper analyzes projects implemented in İstanbul, drawing on the literature on protective and preventive social policies. With its high population density, rapid urbanization, and socio-economic diversity, İstanbul is one of the leading metropolises where child-related policies are implemented most comprehensively. The practices developed by the Governorship of İstanbul and the İstanbul Children's Foundation demonstrate a governance model that integrates education, social support, culture, sports, technology, and family policies. In this paper, the "A Meal from the Heart" project, which provides nutritional support to disadvantaged students; the "Homework Houses" project, which creates safe learning environments; computer classes and programs to combat digital addiction aimed at improving digital literacy; the "Brother Family" project, which offers family-based social support; hospital and accessible classroom applications; and projects that increase sports and cultural participation will be scrutinized. These policy implementations facilitate both the social integration of children and support their educational life. Therefore, the policies implemented specifically in İstanbul include measures to eliminate risks before they reach a significant level, as well as improvements to child-related policies. In conclusion, this paper reveals how a child-centered governance approach has been institutionalized and made sustainable at the local level. Thanks to these applications and projects developed in collaboration with the Governorship of İstanbul and the İstanbul Children's Foundation, children's potential is being revealed, and solutions to social problems are being offered. In other words, the implemented practices present a promising public policy model for children.

Analysis of Turkey's Syrian Refugee Policy in the Context of Socio-Political Transformation in the Age of Crises

Tanzer Celikturk (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Increasing crises on a global scale—geopolitical instability, economic fluctuations, social transformations, and forced migration movements—are reshaping the social and political structures of states. This study analyzes the transformative effects of crises on spatial, social, and political order through the example of Turkey. In particular, the mass migration movement that emerged after the Syrian Civil War, which started in 2011, has constituted an important turning point that redefined Turkey's migration policies and socio-political structure. Turkey has become a central actor in global migration management by hosting approximately 3.6 million Syrian refugees. The initially implemented open-door policy, while representing a rapid response to humanitarian crises, has evolved over time into a more institutional and sustainable framework. The Temporary Protection Regulation, which came into effect in 2014, has provided refugees with legal status, securing fundamental rights such as access to healthcare, education, and the labor market. This transformation represents a shift from short-term crisis management to long-term integration policies. From an economic perspective, refugees create a two-way effect as both a contributor and a competitor. While entrepreneurial activities and labor force participation provide economic vitality, the prevalence of informal employment leads to wage pressure and imbalances in the labor market. This situation demonstrates how economic structures are reshaped and become fragile under crisis conditions. Social integration stands out as one of the most critical dimensions of Turkey's refugee policy. Although significant progress has been made in the field of education, language barriers, cultural differences, and economic difficulties limit integration. Processes of social cohesion are shaped not only by institutional policies but also by public perception and social interaction dynamics. In this context, growing xenophobia and social tensions reveal the transformative and sometimes divisive impact of crises on social structures. The refugee issue has also become a determining factor in Turkey's domestic politics. Increasing economic pressures and social reactions have directly influenced the rhetoric of political actors and their policy choices. This situation demonstrates how crises restructure political competition and guide public policies. At the international level, Turkey stands out as a strategic actor in migration management. Cooperation with the European Union and projects carried out with international organizations reflect the multi-actor and multi-layered nature of crisis management. However, imbalances in burden-sharing also reveal the limits of international cooperation. In conclusion, the example of Turkey shows that crises are not only temporary shocks but also create lasting socio-political transformation processes. This study aims to contribute to the understanding of politically and socially restructured structures in the age of crises by analyzing the effects of the migration crisis on spatial, social, and political order.

E-Participation in Crises and Socio-Political Transformation: A Bibliometric Analysis

Hüseyin Serhan Çalhan (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Introduction

The contemporary world is in an “age of crises” characterized by global pandemics, economic instabilities, and technological disruptions. During this period, state-citizen interaction has undergone a structural transformation, shifting towards digital platforms. E-participation, initially viewed as an administrative facilitator, has now become a fundamental mechanism for budgetary transparency, combating corruption, and building institutional trust during times of crisis. However, the literature emphasizes that technological infrastructure alone does not guarantee democratic accountability. This study aims to map the development of the e-participation literature from 1979 to 2026 using bibliometric data and to evaluate the institutionalization dynamics during crisis periods within the framework of mainstream public administration debates (transparency, the digital divide, and institutional trust).

Theoretical Framework

The conceptual framework of this study is based on three fundamental pillars that treat e-participation not as a technological evolution but as a socio-political institutionalization process:

Institutional Trust and Transparency: Decreased trust in public institutions during times of crisis can be overcome by increasing the transparency of administrative processes. E-participation is an “open government” tool that prevents asymmetric information distribution.
Digital Divide and Inclusion: Inequalities in access to technology and literacy levels are the most fundamental structural barriers limiting the democratic potential of e-participation, leading to the exclusion of disadvantaged groups from public policies.
From Adoption to Institutionalization: It is not enough for public administrations to simply “adopt” digital platforms technologically. E-participation needs to be “institutionalized” by integrating it into legal frameworks and administrative culture.

Methodology

This research employed a bibliometric analysis method to map the conceptual structure of the e-participation literature. The analysis universe consisted of 882 articles covering the years 1979-2026, identified using the “Topic” (TS) parameter in the WoS Core Collection database. Bibliometrix software was used to visualize the Bradford Law distribution, annual production trends, and co-word networks.

Findings

Bibliometric findings confirm that the e-participation literature has shown significant growth, particularly in the post-2020 period when crises deepened globally, peaking in 2025 with 81 publications. A total of 17,989 citations demonstrate the high academic impact of the field. Network analyses revealed the following key findings:

Thematic Focus: While e-participation (405), e-government (220), and social media (104) are dominant themes in common word analyses, the relational networks formed by the concepts of trust (60), transparency (47), adoption (75), and the digital divide (24) determine the center of gravity of the literature.
Application Area: It was found that the subject was empirically tested most at the “local government” level, but these infrastructures mainly remained at the level of one-way information delivery (e-informing).
Moderator Effect: Comparative data show that the corruption-reducing effect of e-participation only translates into public value when the digital divide is narrowed and civic communication infrastructures are strong.

Discussion and Future Studies

The bibliometric “Trend Topics” map objectively documents a significant paradigm shift in literature. While concepts such as “e-readiness” and “information technology infrastructure” were prominent in the early 2010s, the current discussion has shifted entirely to the axes of “democracy,” “citizen participation,” and “institutional design.” This change demonstrates that literature has abandoned technological determinism and is focusing on governance and design. When the theoretical framework and bibliometric findings are considered together, it becomes clear that the mere existence of e-participation tools does not create public value; this can only be achieved by narrowing the digital divide.

Future efforts should focus on overcoming bureaucratic barriers to two-way e-participation in local governments, developing and implementing inclusive policies to bridge the digital divide, and establishing policies to ensure the security and reliability of data published by public institutions during times of crisis.

In times of crisis, policymakers must abandon viewing e-participation as merely a technological tool and, to build a socio-political order resilient to crises, should:

Local and central government websites should be transformed from one-way information boards into platforms that allow for two-way interaction.
Online participation processes should be supported by traditional offline mechanisms to prevent the digital divide from deepening.
E-participation applications should be institutionalized by establishing a legal framework, and citizens' data privacy should be guaranteed through algorithmic transparency principles.

Global changes taking place in the world and their impact on the process of social and political transformation

Miranda Mikadze, Gela Giorgadze, Mariam Bregvadze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The modern world is experiencing significant and rapidly evolving global changes that are fundamentally altering the social and political foundations of human life. The 21st century is characterised by technological progress, economic integration, geopolitical redistribution, and global challenges, all of which determine the formation of a new world order to some extent.

Global processes related to the evolution of the digital space, climate change, and international crises create an environment in which state institutions cannot always respond to the demands of modern reality. The pandemic caused by the novel coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) has clearly demonstrated the interconnectedness of the world and how quickly a local crisis can escalate into a global one. Therefore, it is crucial to understand global changes and analyse their impact on social and political transformations. In-depth study of this issue allows us to better understand how societies change, the direction in which states are developing and the challenges facing the modern international system.

In recent decades, global changes have had a considerable impact on the development of social and political structures. During this ongoing transformation, social norms have undergone change within states, societies and institutions, as well as in terms of political approaches. The phenomenon of economic globalisation has been demonstrated to facilitate the rapid and efficient delivery of capital and information. Concurrently, technological progress, particularly in the domains of digital communication and artificial intelligence, has been shown to be altering the existing social environment. The challenges associated with climate change and resource scarcity emphasise the need for adaptive governance once again.

The present study aims to analyse the impact of global changes on social and political transformation processes, and to identify mechanisms that could contribute to the development of national policies, management systems, and social structures.

In order to study the issue in depth, the theories of 'securitisation' and 'balance of power' were employed, and the research method was established as document and secondary source analysis. The development of three research questions was informed by the preceding discussion:

What impact do global changes in the world have on the decision-making process at the national level?
How do the interactions of internal and external factors create challenges and opportunities, the combination of which determines social development?
What strategic mechanisms can be used to facilitate the process of sustainable social and political transformation?

It is evident that global changes have a significant impact on both social and political transformation processes. Economic, technological and environmental factors, respectively, transform governance systems, social structures and political processes. In order to ensure social and political sustainability, it is imperative that countries and societies effectively manage ongoing processes and ensure inclusive development.

The global changes taking place in the world are a complex and multi-layered process, which simultaneously includes technological, economic, social, ecological and political factors. The modern era is distinguished by the unprecedented speed and scale of changes, which is why states and societies are forced to constantly adapt to the new reality.

Technological progress, particularly digital transformation and the development of artificial intelligence, has been shown to have a dual impact on economic growth and quality of life. On the one hand, it has been demonstrated to accelerate economic growth and improve quality of life. On the other hand, however, it has been shown to increase social inequality and create new challenges in the labour market. Concurrently, the advent of contemporary forms of globalization has been shown to foster cultural exchange, whilst concomitantly engendering a heightened propensity to safeguard national identity and sovereignty. This phenomenon frequently serves as the foundation for the emergence of political polarisation.

The evolving geopolitical landscape signifies a gradual transition towards a multipolar system. This process has been shown to increase the likelihood of both cooperation and conflict, and to significantly change the agenda of international relations. Concurrently, the emergence of global threats, including climate change and pandemics, underscores the transnational nature of contemporary challenges, thereby necessitating a coordinated, collective response.

Changes at the social level have been shown to lead to both the transformation of society and the emergence of new social groups or interests, as well as an increase in the activity of citizens. The ongoing processes in the political sphere are reflected in the strengthening of both democratic institutions and, in some cases, authoritarian tendencies. In the aforementioned context, cooperation at the international level assumes particular significance. However, it should be noted that the effective functioning of international institutions is contingent on the political will of member states and the convergence of common interests.

In conclusion, it can be posited that the changes taking place at the global level do not only present challenges. Furthermore, they engender novel prospects for advancement. The effective management of these resources necessitates a strategic vision, inclusive policies, education, and the responsible use of technologies. It is imperative that the aforementioned factors are given full consideration if the modern world is to ensure sustainable development, social stability and a just political system

Legitimacy Without Recognition: How States Construct Sovereignty Narratives in Contested Spaces

Maroua Chattioui (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In an era of intensifying geopolitical crises, the question of how states assert sovereignty over territories lacking international recognition has become increasingly central to the global political order. This paper examines the diplomatic strategies and legitimacy narratives deployed by governing authorities in two paradigmatic cases of contested territorial control: the Moroccan Sahara and Abkhazia. Despite their distinct geopolitical contexts, both cases reveal a shared logic: legitimacy can be actively constructed and sustained through strategic narrative-building, even in the absence of formal recognition.

Drawing on comparative foreign policy analysis and critical discourse analysis, this paper identifies the core rhetorical and diplomatic frameworks through which Morocco and the de facto authorities of Abkhazia, backed by their respective patrons, seek to consolidate perceived sovereignty. These include appeals to historical belonging, narratives of security and stability, autonomy and self-governance frameworks, and the selective instrumentalisation of international legal norms.

The paper argues that in the current era of crisis and global order reorganisation, the traditional binary between recognised and unrecognised statehood is increasingly inadequate. Instead, legitimacy operates as a spectrum, shaped by diplomatic investment, narrative consistency, and great power alignment. By comparing two cases from different regional and geopolitical environments, this study contributes to broader theoretical debates on sovereignty, spatial governance, and the transformation of international order under conditions of systemic crisis.

Regional Inequality in Georgia in the Context of Cumulative Causation Theory

Giorgi Kvinikadze, Tamar Dolbaia (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The aim of the paper is to analyze regional inequality in Georgia through the prism of cumulative causation theory. The study is based on Gunnar Myrdal’s concept, which argues that economic development is not a self-regulating process, but is characterized by self-reinforcing mechanisms that, over time, amplify initial regional inequality. This theoretical framework integrates the principles of new economic geography, enabling a combined analysis of spatial concentration, agglomeration effects, and market access. The study is based on the socio-economic characteristics of Georgian regions in 2024, including: indicators of gross regional product (GRP) per capita, employment level, business activity, and infrastructure accessibility. In the paper, the structure of regional development is assessed, and the main patterns of spatial inequality are identified using these indicators. The analysis reveals that Georgia's economic space is sharply monocentric, with the capital city functioning as the core of the dominant agglomeration, while regions are integrated into this core to varying degrees. The results of the study indicate that the concentration of economic activity in the capital city generates positive feedback mechanisms that strengthen capital, labour, and innovation. This process is consistent with the logic of cumulative causation, in which initial advantages are transformed into permanent economic dominance. At the same time, peripheral regions experience the so-called “reversal effect”, which is manifested in population migration and a decrease in economic activity. The relative weakness of the “spillover effect” indicates that the benefits of economic growth are not evenly distributed across space. The study also shows that the relationship between market access and development is non-linear. Regions with intermediate levels of access often find themselves structurally disadvantaged, unable to benefit from agglomeration effects and at the same time lacking independent growth dynamics. In this context, small, demographically constrained regions may exhibit a relatively stable yet low-dynamic development trend.

The study results confirm that regional inequality in Georgia is a strong cumulative process, driven by spatial factors, asymmetric market access and agglomeration mechanisms. These findings have important policy implications, indicating that regional development strategies should focus not only on resource allocation but also on reducing structural spatial imbalances by developing infrastructure, improving market access and promoting polycentric development.

Overcoming Dependence on Social Assistance – What is the right approach for Georgia?

Ana Diakonidze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

This paper examines the effectiveness of welfare-to-work strategies in Georgia, focusing on the relevance of “work-first” and “human capital development” approaches in a labour market characterized by high informality. Contrary to conventional assumptions, many social assistance beneficiaries are already economically active in Georgia, predominantly in informal and low-productivity jobs. The policy challenge, therefore, is not activation per se, but facilitating transitions into stable and formal employment. Drawing on desk research this paper shows that existing incentive structures, combined with limited availability of quality jobs, constrain sustainable labour market integration. In this context, work-first policies are unlikely to produce long-term gains, as they risk reinforcing a low-skill equilibrium.

While a human capital approach offers a more sustainable pathway, its effectiveness is constrained by weak labour demand and underdeveloped employment services. The paper argues for a hybrid model in which human capital development serves as the strategic direction, complemented by selective work-first elements. The findings highlight the importance of aligning activation policies with labour market structure in economies with high levels of informality.

Social stratification of Georgia in the period of transitions

Alexander Tsagareli (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Georgian society underwent a significant shift in social and cultural formation. A long and challenging transition period, the country's move towards European orientation and the adoption of new market and social norms have resulted in a transformed societal structure.

Despite the officially proclaimed classless society in the Soviet Union, the constitutions of 1936 and 1977 recognized three distinct classes: the working class, the peasantry, and the intelligentsia, which encompasses non-manual professions such as scientists, artists, teachers, and various other professionals. Following the rapid deindustrialization and significant economic decline that ensued after the collapse of the Soviet Union, a pronounced hysteresis effect emerged, leading to a situation where a substantial portion of the population experienced a disjunction between their socio-economic conditions and their established social and cultural lifestyle. Although there has been an observable increase in the size of the upper-middle class, over half of households continue to fall below the middle-class threshold.

However, limited research has been conducted on social stratification in Georgian social sciences. The only visibly published work related to these issues is Ronald Inglehart's "System of World Cultures”, which assesses the values of Georgian society as one among many others, in the context of world cultures. A study conducted in 2009 examined social classes in the three South Caucasian republics, revealing distinctions based on key indicators such as income, education, and employment. However, it is important to note that the differences among social strata or groups within Georgian society have not been explored in depth.

Despite the existence of a few fragmentary assessments and external observer evaluations, there is a paucity of published work on the subject. Therefore, additional research is necessary to expand upon the current body of knowledge.

Hypothesis:

The rather economic equality characteristic of the Soviet system contributed to the ascendancy of various forms of capital, such as social, symbolic, and cultural capital, which ultimately became dominant in societal interactions. As a result, lifestyles and attitudes became more pronounced as individuals sought to distinguish themselves from one another. Consequently, familial habits persisted even in a market economy, fostering multidimensional social differences within society based on value-attitudes derived from historical experiences. This phenomenon occurred despite the predominance of two socio-economic classes—low and middle—as identified in studies conducted in the South Caucasus region.

It is important to note that individuals espousing socio-nativist according to Piketty's notion or materialistic values by Inglehart can be found not only among the lower class but also within the upper class. Conversely, those inclined toward globalist or post-materialist perspectives are typically situated within the middle and upper classes. Such distinctions are shaped by individuals' adaptation to the free market and their family backgrounds in the Soviet Union.

Therefore, a comprehensive analysis of the social characteristics of various groups, beyond a rigid class framework, is essential for a nuanced understanding of the complexities within Georgian society.

Research Questions:

What social milieus exist in contemporary Georgia?
What are the main value characteristics of each milieu?
How have social milieus changed during the transitional period from the early 1990s to the present day?
How do value-attitude milieus intersect with socio-economic status?

Joseph Stalin’s Concept of the Nation and an Analysis of Its Main Aspects

Nino Maisuradze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

The definition of the nation developed by Joseph Stalin conceptualizes the nation as a unity of language, territory, economic cohesion, and psychological characteristics. For decades, this definition was recognized as a dominant concept within the Soviet intellectual sphere and exerted a significant influence on the academic environment in Georgia as well. The relevance of the research topic is determined not only by the popularity of this definition in Georgia, formulated in 1913, but also by its long-standing recognition as a prevailing theoretical framework in Soviet literature. This definition was often perceived as a self-sufficient concept that did not require further interpretation or subsequent theoretical development.

At the same time, Stalin's notion of a nation differed from Western ideas of the nation, which frequently treat the concepts of nation and state as practically similar (Davitashvili, 2003). Despite its dominant position and theoretical tensions, a critical and comparative rethinking of this term in the context of modern nationalism theories remains an important research issue.

The aim of the study is to provide a theoretical analysis of the definition of the nation developed by Joseph Stalin and to evaluate it through comparison with contemporary theories of nationalism, in order to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the concept, as well as the theoretical limitations that constrain its applicability in modern studies of nationalism.

Based on the research aim, the following objectives were formulated:

1) to conduct a conceptual analysis of the definition of the nation developed by Joseph Stalin;

2) to compare Stalin’s definition with the definitions of the nation developed in major contemporary theories of nationalism;

3) to assess the scope of applicability and the theoretical constraints of Stalin’s definition in contemporary nationalism studies.

The study allows for an examination of Joseph Stalin’s concept of the nation through the lens of contemporary theories of nationalism and addresses an important question: to what extent is Stalin’s formulation of the nation functional in the contemporary context, and to what extent can it be applied in current studies of national identity?

The research design is qualitative, and the primary method employed is the analysis of secondary sources, through which Stalin’s definition of the nation is examined in depth. This method enables the analysis of Joseph Stalin’s concept of the nation as a conceptual formulation that shaped the Soviet intellectual foundation surrounding the concept of the nation and exerted a significant influence on the Georgian intellectual sphere as well. The study also applies a comparative analysis, which compares Stalin's notion of the nation to important definitions created within modern theories of nationalism.

According to Stalin, the nation is a form of unity that is not defined by racial or even tribal ties. Rather, the bond of the nation is of a historical nature. Thus, the nation can be understood as a historically formed community. This raises the question of whether every historical connection can be regarded as a nation. To provide greater clarity, Stalin introduces four essential criteria that must be met for a community to be considered a nation. Accordingly, the answer to this question is negative: only that historical community which is characterized by a common language, territory, economic organization, and psychological characteristics can be defined as a nation (Stalin, 2012). A community that does not possess even one of these four characteristics cannot be defined as a nation.

About the comparison between Stalin’s definition of the nation and the prominent conceptions of the nation in contemporary theories of nationalism, Western intellectual traditions rarely consider the formation of the nation in the absence of statehood. Accordingly, within Western theoretical approaches, statehood is regarded as one of the defining features of the nation.

Within Stalin's paradigm, territory is not formed in political terms, but rather as a geographical area required for the establishment of stable interactions among members of the nation.

The study's findings show that Stalin's definition is based on the recognition of a well-defined set of markers - language, territory, economic cohesiveness, and psychological characteristics - as criteria for the development of a nation. However, historical and theoretical analysis show that these criteria are not universal and cannot account for the many forms of national communities.

Modern transformations in the marital structure of the Georgian population

Vazha Lordkipanidze, Anzor Sakhvadze (Author) — Thu, 16 Jul 2026 00:00:00 +0400

In the context of contemporary political crises, one of the critical components of ongoing social transformations is reflected in the profound and systematic shifts in population demographic behavior. These processes are principally driven by structural changes occurring in contemporary global fertility processes. While global discourse continues to emphasize the challenges associated with rapid population growth, Georgia, by contrast, faces the opposite demographic concern—a persistent decline in population size, a reduction in birth rates. In this context, the dynamics of birth rates are closely linked to the institution of marriage, which remains one of the most significant determinants of fertility and overall population reproduction. Accordingly, the analysis of transformations in marital structures is of particular scholarly relevance, while, at the same time, it is urgent for the state to develop appropriate measures.

Within the broader framework of population reproduction, the marital structure of the population under study constitutes a critical component, operating alongside other key demographic processes, including fertility, mortality, and migration. As is well established, the marital structure of any population does not constitute a fixed and immutable system of proportions; rather, it is subject to continuous change and transformation. In turn, these transformations in marital structure may follow divergent trajectories, exhibiting expansionary, contractionary, or fluctuating patterns over time. Given that the majority of live births in the country occur within registered marriages, this has resulted in a direct and statistically significant relationship between the number of registered marriages and the number of live births.

The marital structure of the population comprises two principal categories: married and unmarried individuals. The latter group is further differentiated into those who have never been married, the divorced (or separated), and the widowed.

A differentiated analysis of marital status is necessitated by the fact that each of these categories exerts a distinct and heterogeneous influence on the demographic development of a country. Increasing attention is devoted to the study of never-married individuals, as they are often conceptualized as a demographic reserve whose reproductive potential remains, to a significant extent, unrealized.

Regrettably, insufficient scholarly attention has been devoted to the study of such a marital status as widowhood. However, in light of ongoing demographic aging and the relative rejuvenation of mortality patterns, this issue is likely to gain increasing relevance in the future. As both the absolute and relative prevalence of widowhood rise, the country’s reproductive potential correspondingly declines—an outcome of particular significance under conditions of demographic crisis.

The primary objective of this study, therefore, is to provide a statistical and demographic analysis of the population’s marital categories.

One of the notable achievements of modern society is that, unlike in earlier historical periods, the overwhelming majority of individuals now enter into marriage voluntarily. However, when considering the termination of marriage (as distinct from divorce), additional factors come into play beyond individual volition. Specifically, the dissolution of marriage may occur either through the will of the spouses or independently of it.

In the former case—when the termination of marriage depends on the mutual decision of the spouses—the marriage ends in divorce, and both individuals subsequently re-enter the category of the unmarried (more precisely, the previously married). In this status, they retain the opportunity to re-engage with the “marriage market” with the intention of forming a new family.

According to the statistical and demographic study conducted by the authors, the marital structure of the population of Georgia is characterized by the following features:

Over the period 2005–2017, the dynamics of registered marriages in Georgia evolved as follows: over the period under analysis, the minimum number of registered marriages was recorded in 2003, amounting to 12,696, while the peak was observed in 2012, reaching 34,693.

Overall, during the period 2000–2025, the number of registered marriages in Georgia, expressed in relative terms (per 1,000 population), declined from 21,908 to 21,653, representing a decrease of 255 units.

Given that the majority of live births occur within registered marriages—and that births within such unions have been steadily declining—the overall birth rate has consequently exhibited a downward trend.

The deterioration of the sex-age structure of Georgia’s population has contributed to a steady increase in the average age at marriage, which exhibits a persistent upward trend. Over the period 1994–2025, the mean age at marriage reached 35 years for men and 32.6 years for women.

During the period under analysis, the minimum number of registered marriages was recorded in 2003, amounting to 12,696, while the maximum was observed in 2012, reaching 34,693. A more precise indicator of marital dynamics is provided by the general marriage rate, which reflects the overall incidence of participation in registered marriages.

Thus, the study and analysis of the structure of registered marriages carry considerable practical significance, underscoring the need for a differentiated approach.

The statistical evidence presented is further complemented by data from the 2024 Population Census.

Based on this analysis, the authors have developed a set of policy recommendations, which are proposed to relevant state authorities and encompass immediate, medium-term, as well as long-term measures.