http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/issue/feed environment and society 2026-01-20T13:26:27+04:00 Open Journal Systems http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/292 Power Diffusion and the Hybridization of International Order 2026-01-16T15:50:06+04:00 Gvantsa Abdaladze socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The article aims to analyze the transformation of the international order driven by the diffusion of power, both in theoretical terms and through case analysis, with European strategic autonomy selected as the case study. The central question addressed is: How does power diffusion reshape the structure of the international order, the distribution of power, and the system of actors?</p> <p>Under the conditions of power diffusion, wars have already been transformed into hybrid wars, where the boundary between war and peace has become blurred. Similarly, peace concepts have introduced the notion of hybrid peace, in which the distinction between peace and capitulation is ambiguous. The transformation of the international order based on power diffusion does not create an alternative order but rather diffuses and hybridizes the existing one. Just as with hybrid war and hybrid peace, in a hybrid order the very essence of order and the logic of interaction among poles remain unclear.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/294 Major Aspects and Frames in the Television Coverage of Social Protests: The Namakhvani HPP Case Study 2026-01-20T11:37:27+04:00 Salome Belkania socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>This article examines and analyzes the characteristics of media coverage of the social protests against the Namakhvani HPP project in Georgian television media. Public protests against the project were actively covered by Georgian television channels in 2020-2021. Four television channels were selected for the study: “Georgian Public Broadcaster”, “Imedi TV”, “Rustavi 2”, and “Palitra News”. These media outlets presented the protests in different accents, mainly through news formats. A total of 60 videos dedicated to the protests were analyzed using the video content analysis method. The theoretical framework of the study is based on framing theory, through which the frames identified in the television reports about the Namakhvani HPP protests were examined.</p> <p>The results of the study revealed a clear influence of the political affiliation of the television channels on their coverage. The protests were presented with more neutral and positive frames on “Georgian Public Broadcaster” and “Palitra News”, whereas “Imedi TV” and “Rustavi 2” emphasized the radical nature of the protests and the potential for destabilization. The study of the Namakhvani HPP protest coverage clearly demonstrates how social protests are framed in the media and how public opinion is shaped through different informational strategies.</p> <p>This research topic is relevant because the protest against the Namakhvani HPP was one of the most large-scale and prolonged social protests in recent Georgian history. It had significant resonance both within society and at the governmental level. The study of the protests against the Namakhvani HPP in the context of media effects is particularly important, as this issue has not been previously examined in a scientific context in Georgia. Consequently, this article contributes to filling the gap in academic research. Furthermore, there are no existing guidelines or ethical standards in the Georgian language for media coverage of similar issues.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/295 Local Self-Government and Personal Data Protection: Regulatory Standards and Digital Risks 2026-01-20T11:43:03+04:00 Aksana Guchua socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The contemporary digital era poses significant challenges for local self-governments, where, alongside ensuring the efficient delivery of services to citizens, the protection of personal data has become a central concern. The implementation of information systems, electronic services, and “smart city” technologies by local authorities increases both the volume of data processed and the exposure to cybersecurity risks. Consequently, personal data protection is not merely a legal obligation but also a political, technological, and ethical issue.</p> <p>This article aims to examine the relationship between local self-governance and personal data protection standards, identify digital risks, and explore the legal frameworks in place. Special emphasis is placed on the legislative amendments introduced in 2024, which have significantly updated both Georgian legislation and EU data protection practices. The study analyzes how these changes impact local governance, their alignment with GDPR principles, and the challenges arising from technological resources, institutional coordination, and citizen trust.</p> <p>The article demonstrates that enhancing data protection policies requires not only legislative harmonization but also the strengthening of local authorities’ capacities, the training of specialists, and the development of an information security culture. The conclusion offers concrete recommendations, including the formulation of local personal data protection strategies, the implementation of digital risk prevention mechanisms, and the promotion of citizen engagement. In doing so, the article provides both theoretical insights and practical approaches that support the protection of citizens’ rights and strengthen democratic governance in a digital environment.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/297 Three No's Principle: China's Policy Toward North Korea's Nuclear Program 2026-01-20T11:58:31+04:00 Vakhtang Davitashvili socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>China identifies nuclear non-proliferation on the Korean Peninsula as a central interest but remains North Korea’s main political, military, and economic partner. Despite Beijing’s potential leverage, Pyongyang has steadily advanced its nuclear program, even writing nuclear weapons into its constitution in 2023 as vital to its survival. China’s approach is guided by the long-standing “Three No’s”: no war, no chaos, and no nuclear weapons. The first principle reflects Beijing’s determination to prevent military conflict, which would destabilize East Asia and impose heavy political and economic costs. The second stems from fears that excessive pressure could collapse the North Korean regime, triggering refugee flows, undermining Chinese stability, and inviting greater U.S. military presence near its borders. North Korea’s role as a buffer state further reinforces Beijing’s desire to preserve the regime. Although preventing conflict and instability outweighs denuclearization, Beijing also views a nuclear-armed North Korea as a threat to its interests. Pyongyang’s nuclear tests have provoked military buildups among U.S. allies and raised the risk of regional proliferation, outcomes directly opposed to China’s strategic goals. Moreover, North Korea’s pursuit of “Juche,” or independence from foreign powers, limits Beijing’s ability to control its neighbor. To address these challenges, China has promoted diplomacy and multilateralism. It was a key participant in the Six-Party Talks, which offered North Korea economic aid and security guarantees in exchange for denuclearization. However, the failure of these talks and Pyongyang’s continued weapons development left Beijing balancing international demands for sanctions with its overriding interest in regime stability.</p> <p>Ultimately, China’s policy reflects a careful balancing act: it seeks denuclearization but prioritizes stability. The “Three No’s” remain the foundation of Beijing’s approach, yet they also constrain its ability to halt North Korea’s nuclear advance — a dilemma that could increasingly undermine China’s regional influence.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/298 Georgia’s Transport System as a Factor of Sustainable Development 2026-01-20T12:14:38+04:00 Tamar Dolbaia socpol.science@tsu.ge Giorgi Kvinikadze socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The paper discusses the transit potential of Georgia, the types of transport involved in transit activities, and transport infrastructure as a factor in the country's sustainable economic development. The paper examines opportunities arising from the country's favourable geographical location at the junction of Europe and Asia and the newly emerging geopolitical landscape, which could turn Georgia into a regional transport hub in the South Caucasus and Central Asia.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/299 Polarization and Capture of the Country 2026-01-20T12:25:07+04:00 Alexandre Kukhianidze socpol.science@tsu.ge Nino Kukhianidze socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The wave of democratization that began at the end of the 20th century, thirty years later, was replaced by a wave of authoritarianism. The onset of dictatorship affects the vital interests of every citizen, making this problem extremely relevant in the modern era. The retreat from democratization and the return to dictatorship affect the vital interests of every citizen, leading to deep societal polarization and making this problem extremely pressing. The study analyzes the triad in the process of state capture: the capture of state power through free and fair elections, the capture of the state (or what is today called the "deep state"), and the attempts to capture civil society. The ban on opposition parties, exorbitant fines, bloody dispersals of rallies and demonstrations, poisoning of demonstrators with gas of unknown origin, and prison sentences for political opposition leaders and civic activists create the appearance of a strong dictatorship. However, these anti-democratic measures only deepen societal polarization and reduce the number of the ruling party’s supporters in the long term. Ultimately, this could lead the country to dangerous civil strife, the collapse of authoritarianism, and severe persecution of the GD leaders. A way out of the deep political crisis would be inter-party dialogue and free and fair parliamentary elections with security guarantees for the GD leadership. The study utilized secondary sources, an analysis of media reports, and legal and policy documents. The ideas presented in this article are based on the authors' long-term observations and field research conducted throughout the period of Georgia's independence. A conflict-transformation lens is employed to underscore how unresolved structural tensions accelerate polarization and enable authoritarian capture.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/300 Demographic Processes in Georgia in the Context of Global Challenges 2026-01-20T12:40:30+04:00 Vazha Lordkipanidze socpol.science@tsu.ge Anzor Sakhvadze socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century are rich in global challenges. Global challenges are manifested in various economic, political, military, etc. crises. Among them, the demographic crisis stands out. In addition, if the demographic crisis for the entire planet is a catastrophic increase in the population, in Georgia it is manifested in a sharp decrease in the number of the population. The paper studies and presents the events, processes and relevant statistical material reflecting the demographic crisis. Among the causes of the crisis, the causes of Georgia's birth rate, mortality, marriage, divorce, migration processes and their consequences are studied and analyzed, and future forecasts are made. The paper indicates that in order to prevent real threats arising from global challenges, it is necessary for state organizations to promptly implement demographic policy measures developed as the basis of the National Concept of Demographic Security of Georgia. Unfortunately, the practical steps taken by the state in this regard are extremely insufficient, which will further complicate the demographic situation in Georgia in the future.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/301 The Backsliding of Democracy and Social Networks 2026-01-20T12:51:58+04:00 Marina Muskhelishvili socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>Since the 2000s, in a number of countries a process of democratic erosion has been observed, which in some cases even culminates in the collapse of democracy. This process of erosion is characterized by the following evolutionary dynamics: the exacerbation of political polarization; the extension of a ruler's control over their own political party and branches of government; and legislative changes that weaken (and in some cases destroy) the legal and constitutional foundations of liberal democracy.</p> <p>Such evolutionary trends of institutional transformation are often brought about by the reinterpretation of formal institutions, a gradual change in their meaning and practice over time. The erosion of democracy is accompanied by its reinterpretation through populism. In a context of high political polarization, populism constructs the concept of "the people" from one polarized citizenry, in opposition to the other. According to the populist version of democracy, this constructed "people" might rule by excluding its enemies from politics. This interpretation of democracy replaces both its majoritarian and elitist versions and poses a challenge to the constitutional and liberal foundations of the state.</p> <p>This paper argues that the reason for the populist reinterpretation of democracy should be sought in the technological revolution which is changing not only the economy but also the fundamental structure of political communication. The article focuses on a structural innovation created by new technologies—the mediatization of political communication through social networks. The subject of the research is the invisible power relations that arise from the organization of communication, and not from its content.</p> <p>&nbsp;In a public space mediatized by television and social networks, the structure of public opinion necessary for the proper functioning of the majoritarian and elitist versions of democracy can no longer be sustained. The fragmented, particularistic, affective, and polarized structure of public opinion presented on social networks promotes the equality of radically different interpretations of reality, which weakens the majority's claim to express the "right" opinion. Meso-level organizations that structured political and civic representation lose their functions, as the political sphere directly enters the space of social communication. The correspondence of the state to a given society becomes blurred, both because the economy and migration take on a globalized character, and because the public spaces of different countries are now integrated by the internet.</p> <p>All of this would be impossible without the technological revolution, which is changing every sphere of life. In an economy based on knowledge and information, a new structure of economic, social, and political relations is being created. Just as the industrial revolution once shook feudalism and contributed to the formation of capitalism and parliamentary government, the information revolution today is challenging the party democracy built on the 20th-century model, and even the territorial constitutional state itself.</p> <p>An analysis of the factors causing democratic backslash is essential to understanding the possible future of these processes. If the technological revolution dominates among such factors, what is needed is not the strengthening of existing formal institutions of democracy, but their innovative transformation.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/302 The Use of Digital Technologies in Caucasian Jihadist Propaganda: From Websites to Digital Jihadist Jamaats 2026-01-20T12:57:35+04:00 Giorgi Omsarashvili socpol.science@tsu.ge <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0cm -36.0pt 6.0pt -36.0pt;"><span lang="EN-US">This article examines the evolving role of digital technologies in the activities of Caucasian jihadist movements from the early 2000s to the present. Drawing on digital ethnography, qualitative content analysis, and secondary sources, the study identifies how jihadist groups in the North and South Caucasus have used online platforms for propaganda, recruitment, mobilization, and operational coordination. The analysis emphasizes both the regional specificity of these networks and their integration into wider transnational jihadist ecosystems. </span></p> <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0cm -36.0pt 6.0pt -36.0pt;"><span lang="EN-US">The findings show that the earliest phase of online jihadist activity in the Caucasus relied on static websites that disseminated multilingual propaganda, including sermons, battlefield footage, and ideological manifestos. These resources served to legitimize violence and foster community among sympathizers. With the rise of social media across the post-Soviet space, jihadist actors shifted to interactive environments. After the outbreak of the Syrian civil war, they began constructing <em>Digital Jihadist Jamaats</em> - virtual communities that became arenas of ideological socialization and pathways from passive sympathy to active participation.</span></p> <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0cm -36.0pt 6.0pt -36.0pt;"><span lang="EN-US">Recruitment strategies typically involved a two-stage process. Initial exposure occurred on open platforms such as VKontakte, Facebook, or YouTube, followed by redirection into <span style="color: black; background: white;">privacy-focused messaging </span>applications like Telegram or Signal. These secure spaces minimized surveillance, enabled trust-building, and supported logistical coordination. Such practices proved effective, contributing to the departure of thousands of fighters from the Caucasus to Syria and Iraq. </span></p> <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0cm -36.0pt 6.0pt -36.0pt;"><span lang="EN-US">Online platforms also facilitated instructional propaganda. Jihadist actors circulated manuals on improvised explosives, operational security, and small-scale attacks, often translated into Russian. In parallel, networks engaged in intelligence gathering and surveillance of security forces. Documented cases in Georgia revealed attempts to collect personal data on law-enforcement officers and to plan attacks on symbolic sites.</span></p> <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0cm -36.0pt 6.0pt -36.0pt;"><span lang="EN-US">Jihadist groups also adopted financial and technological innovations. Cryptocurrency enabled fundraising, while bots, automated accounts, and pseudo-news portals amplified propaganda. More recently, artificial intelligence and deepfake technologies have been used to enhance the credibility and reach of jihadist messaging. These developments highlight the adaptability of jihadist actors in exploiting emerging technologies.</span></p> <p style="text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph; margin: 0cm -36.0pt 6.0pt -36.0pt;"><span lang="EN-US">The study situates these findings within a framework that combines digital ethnography, framing theory, and transnationalism. The article’s key contribution is the introduction of the concept of the <em>Digital Jihadist Jamaat</em>. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this represents the first scholarly application of the term. It captures the hybrid nature of jihadist online formations, which function both as arenas of ideological interaction and as mechanisms that bridge digital engagement with offline mobilization. By advancing this concept, the study contributes to the analysis of Caucasian jihadist activism and to broader debates on political Islam and digital extremism.</span></p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/303 Social Structure, the Process of Democratization and the Question of Power in Post-Soviet Georgia 2026-01-20T13:04:08+04:00 Tornike Chivadze socpol.science@tsu.ge Gia Zhorzholiani socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The present article examines the social structure, mechanisms of exercising power, and the peculiarities of the democratization process in post-Soviet Georgia. The paper argues that the chronic instability of the country's political system and the vulnerability of democratic institutions are conditioned by deep structural causes. The aim of the article is to move beyond the normative analysis dominant in the academic sphere and establish an in-depth, structural approach to studying the crisis of post-Soviet politics.</p> <p>The research is grounded in the logic of the comparative historical method and integrates the historical-structural theory of democratization with Michael Mann's concept of the social sources of power. The traditional Western path of democratization is utilized as a theoretical "ideal type" and an analytical benchmark to highlight the structural distinctiveness of Georgia's development trajectory.</p> <p>The analysis reveals a "historical inversion" in the Georgian democratization process, radically distinguishing it from the Western model. While the traditional European path was characterized by socio-economic structuring preceding and conditioning the struggle for political rights, in Georgia, the process was reversed: the universal granting of democratic rights (following the Soviet collapse) outpaced the corresponding socio-economic structuring. The post-Soviet period witnessed social atomization, deindustrialization, and the absence of classically organized social actors, which significantly undermined the social pillars of democracy.</p> <p>The article observes the state of social sources of power (Economic, Ideological, Military, Political), their configuration, and dominance across specific periods in Georgia. Under conditions lacking social foundations for democratization, the struggle for power occurs not between groups with distinct social interests, but among elite factions. Power is acquired and maintained through the manipulation of various power sources, fostering a recurring concentration of power by elites.</p> <p>The research concludes that the complexities and lack of efficacy in the democratization process are directly linked to this historical inversion and the specificities of power configurations. Addressing existing challenges requires a shift from normative discourse to in-depth analysis based on political realities. This approach facilitates the search for innovative and context-specific pathways to strengthen the democratization process—a creative endeavor, given that the historical Western path cannot be replicated in this context.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/304 The Impact of Technology on the Formation of World Order 2026-01-20T13:09:34+04:00 Gela Tsaava socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>In fact, technology is one of the main determining factors in shaping relations between nations, along with wars and economic shifts. It remains a key tool for promoting economic development and national security.</p> <p>In the past, technological developments gave us the Industrial Revolution, which created the modern international system. Technologically advanced industrial nations have amassed and exercised their enormous economic and military power. They were to establish their supremacy over the less developed parts of the world and effectively create a hierarchy among nations.</p> <p>In the modern era, the emergence of technology has dramatically changed the means of communication between people, resulting in improved well-being and developed social order. Modern technological processes have facilitated the production of essential resources. At the same time, it should be noted that the EU's efforts are aimed at co-financing research and investments. However, the EU's particular focus differs significantly from the dominant approaches of the United States and China. The evolution of technology has always been a cornerstone in breaking down trade barriers and enabling cross-cultural communications. It is worth noting that the technology landscape is profoundly shaping the new world order.</p> <p>We believe that the world in the 21st century will be defined by the advancement of technology. Also, the United States, China, and the European Union are at the forefront of global technology development, and each of them seeks technological superiority for national security and economic strength.</p> <p>However, it must be said that the United States remains a global leader in basic sciences. The largest companies in US and the EU dominate additional digital platform technologies. Technological advances in the military, economic, and cultural spheres have significantly changed the dynamics of modern global geopolitical dynamics.</p> <p>The development of artificial intelligence, in particular, has allowed countries to modernize their weapons arsenals. In addition, state-backed technology organizations benefit from a steady stream of investment directed at the development of military systems. Future standards for big technologies like artificial intelligence, semiconductors, telecommunications, and computing infrastructure will impact stock markets for decades.</p> <p>Global competition between superpowers is intensifying due to rapid technological advances in military fields. Nations are fighting to gain superiority on land, sea, air, space, and in military capabilities, as well as in new areas such as biotechnological warfare. The technologies that have the greatest economic impact globally are those that revolutionize industries and lifestyles. Technological giants like ,,Apple’’ and ,,Google’’ have successfully transformed industries, disrupting local market players with their innovative disruption.</p> <p>Finally, in the information epoch, technological progress has contributed to the advancement, transformation, and rise of the economy and society. Technology has quickly become a source of great hope and power. The perception of security, in turn, has changed radically and the nature of war has been fundamentally transformed. The growth of new technologies has given rise to new forms of security risks, ethical dilemmas, and considerations.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/305 Hegemonic Shocks and Georgia’s Democratic Evolution and Backsliding 2026-01-20T13:16:20+04:00 Valerian Dolidze socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The article, based on Gunitsky's theory of hegemonic shocks, answers the question: why did Georgia take a course towards the formation of hegemonic authoritarianism? Russia's invasion of Ukraine has created a perception among the Georgian political elite of the weakening of the democratic hegemony of the United States and the strengthening of an autocratic Russia, which has led to the emulation of the Russian regime in Georgia. The transition to authoritarianism is not a new phenomenon for Georgia, which periodically transitioned from democratization to an authoritarian cycle of development and then returned back to democratization. But authoritarianism in Georgia was represented by a competing electoral authoritarianism. Therefore, democratic evolution did not cease even during the authoritarian cycle, during which democratic potential grew. The hegemonic course halted Georgia's democratic evolution, but the elite's desire to completely subordinate society to its control is encountering resistance from the increased democratic potential. This is a result of the peculiarity of the political system, which is characterized by the uneven development of state and public components. This is because emulating a democratic system is more difficult than emulating autocratic and totalitarian ones. Democratic emulation requires not only state but also public resources, based on voluntary participation. The lag in the development of the public component reinforced the tendency for society to be subordinated to state control. But in the context of a unipolar world, the democratic hegemon the United States and the European Union, blocked the authoritarian aspirations of pro-Western elites.The transition to a multipolar world has triggered changes in the Georgian elite's foreign and domestic policies. They took an anti-Western course in foreign policy, which weakened the protective function of the United States and the European Union in the democratic evolution of Georgia and determined Georgia's transition to a phase of hegemonic electoral authoritarianism, which cannot be considered complete.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society http://es.tsu.ge/index.php/es/article/view/306 The New U.S. Approach to the Technological Future 2026-01-20T13:21:17+04:00 Thornike Zedelashvili socpol.science@tsu.ge <p>The unprecedented pace of technological innovation in the 21st century has fundamentally changed the paradigms of global politics, economics, and security. The United States, as a leading technological power, is trying to shape a new strategic vision that includes artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, biotechnology, and quantum computing. Our goal is to analyze how technological progress is integrated into American national strategy, how innovation and regulation are balanced, and in what ways the country is trying to maintain an advantage in global competition. The research is based on a methodology of documentary analysis, case studies, and a review of scientific literature. The results show that the United States' policy in the technological sphere is not merely reactive, but aims to actively shape the directions of innovation so that technological leadership can be transformed into geopolitical advantage and societal sustainability.</p> 2026-01-20T00:00:00+04:00 Copyright (c) 2026 environment and society